The ways in which he 'lived dangerously' were these: He was, first and foremost, a Chouan chief, leading, in a ceaseless guerrilla warfare of sudden attacks and ambushes, among the broom and hedgerows of Brittany, those stubborn little long-haired men of an elder race whose devotion to their religion and their King was almost fanaticism. Secondly, he was intermittently an 'agent de la correspondance'--that is to say, he was in constant personal communication with Jersey, the centre whence set forth all the small Royalist descents on the coast of Brittany and Normandy. Here Captain Philip d'Auvergne, the Jerseyman, titular Prince de Bouillon and captain in His Britannic Majesty's Navy, watched over the interests of the French émigrés and directed the various gun-running expeditions to France. When, therefore, as at the present time, La Vireville was not risking his life amongst Republican bullets, he was venturing it in a little boat, crossing to and fro from Jersey to the Breton coast, liable to be shot at sight by a patrol as he landed, liable to be wrecked on his passage, because secrecy demanded so small a vessel. It was true that the 'Jersey correspondence' had three luggers and a brig of its own, but these were generally used for transporting whole parties of returning émigrés, and in any case they never came right in to shore. And always, in whatever capacity La Vireville trod his native soil, his head was forfeit, since he was an émigré, and in his own person, as the Chevalier Charles-Marie-Thérèse-Fortuné de la Vireville, liable to summary execution. It really needed not that a couple of months ago the Convention had also issued the large reward of five thousand francs for the body, dead or alive, of 'Augustin, ci-devant noble, chef de Chouans'; for 'Augustin' and he had but one body between them. Like most of the Chouan leaders, La Vireville had a nom de guerre, and many even of his followers knew him by no other. Little, however, did the reward for his person trouble him, since he knew his Bretons incapable of betraying him for money, and was very sensibly persuaded that, his head being forfeit in any case, it did not concern him whether, when he had parted with it, any other person were to reap pecuniary benefit by the separation. Only, as a sacrifice to prudence--about the only one he ever made, and that more for the sake of the cause he served than for his own--he strove to keep apart as much as he could these two selves, and, so far, he had reason to believe the Republican Government ignorant of their identity. * * * * *