Sketch of the Reformation in EnglandBlunt, John J. (John James)
History
Sketch of the Reformation in England
Blunt, John J. (John James)
Great Britain -- Church history; Reformation -- England
On the other hand, the friends of the Reformation, reading these
prognostics the other way, had fearful forebodings of evils to come,
and were naturally cast down. The feverish condition of the public
mind is seen in the restless solicitude with which they treasured
such omens up. The execution of the Protector; the death of the Duke
of Suffolk and his brother by the sweating sickness, the sons of a
father who was Cranmer’s good friend, and themselves children of great
hope; the loss of Fagius and Bucer at a critical moment, were all
accounted harbingers of ill.[414] John Knox, too, like another son of
Ananus, lifted up his voice in various parts of England; and as he
marked the tide again setting in towards Rome, foretold for England
unquiet times, hiemem instare:[415] and, indeed, the general agitation
of those days, that feeling so forcibly expressed in the language
of Scripture by “distress of nations with perplexity,” is strongly
portrayed by an act of parliament which was passed in 1550, “Against
spreading of Prophecies,” as well as by the numbers of idle stories
of unnatural births and sea-monsters which were then propagated, and
which are faithfully preserved in the pages of the Chroniclers.[416]
Charity leads us to trust that the dark insinuations against the Duke
of Northumberland (as though he hastened the end of Edward for the
purpose of setting the crown on the head of Lady Jane Grey, who had
married his son,) had no other foundation than the intense anxiety
with which the life of the King was thus regarded by multitudes of
his subjects, who saw no other hope for themselves or for their cause
than the frail one its continuance afforded. Certain it is, that the
extracts given by Strype from Cranmer’s letters, to Cecil, who was in
attendance upon the court in a progress to England, the year before
the King’s death, cannot be fairly interpreted (though the honest
annalist is of a contrary opinion) as implying that the Archbishop was
then under any apprehensions for Edward’s personal safety.[417] And it
is very possible, that when the “wise woman” was called in at last (the
case becoming desperate,) the patient should have grown rapidly worse,
without any further imputation upon the empiric than presumption for
having attempted the cure, or upon the Protector than folly for having
permitted the attempt to be made.[418] But if we acquit Northumberland
of treason, it is not so easy to acquit him of treachery; for that the
dying prince should have made a will, not merely withholding the crown
from its rightful owner, the Princess Mary, (for considering the hearty
desire he entertained for the maintenance of the Protestant cause this
might have been his own act and deed,) but from his sister Elizabeth,
herself a Protestant, and to settle it upon a cousin who happened to be
the duke’s daughter-in-law, this looks like the machination of another
head than his own. This will Cranmer long refused to subscribe; but
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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