Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2 — John Shaqi
Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2Keifer, Joseph Warren
History
Slavery and four years of war : $b a political history of slavery in the United States, together with a narrative of the campaigns and battles of the Civil War in which the author took part, 1861-1865. Vols. 1-2
Keifer, Joseph Warren
Slavery -- United States; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Campaigns
In January (1820) of the succeeding Congress the measure was again
under consideration in the Senate, then composed of only forty-four
members. It was then that Rufus King and Wm. Pinckney, the former
for, the latter against, the slavery restriction amendment, displayed
their eloquence. Pinckney, a lawyer of much general learning,
paraphrased a passage of Burke to the effect that "the spirit of
liberty was more high and haughty in the slaveholding colonies than
in those to the northward." He also planted himself, with others
from the South, on state-sovereignty, afterwards more commonly
called "state-rights," and in time tortured into a doctrine which
led to nullification--Secession--_War_.
All these speeches were answered in both Houses by able opponents
of slavery extension, but meantime a matter arose which did much
to favor the admission of Missouri as a slave State.
Maine, but recently separated from Massachusetts, applied for
statehood, and could not be refused.
A Senator from Illinois (Mr. Thomas) introduced a proviso which
prohibited slavery north of 36 deg. 30' in the Louisiana acquisition,
except in Missouri.
Here, again, at the expense of freedom, was an opportunity for
_compromise_. It was promptly seized upon. It was agreed that
Maine, where by no possibility slavery would or could go, should
come into the Union as a free State; Missouri as a slave State,
and the proviso limiting slavery in the remaining territory south
of 36 deg. 30' should be adopted. This compromise was adopted in the
Senate, and later, after close votes on amendments, the House also
agreed to it. John Randolph and thirty-seven Southern members
voted against it, and, but for weak-kneed Northern members, it
would have failed. This compromise Randolph said was a "_dirty
bargain_," and the Northern members who supported it he denounced
as "doughfaces,"--a coined phrase still known to our political
vocabulary.
Missouri, however, did not become a State until August, 1821.
Thus, for the time only was this question settled.
Of it Jefferson wrote, as if in prophecy:
"This momentous question, like a fire bell in the night, awakened
and filled me with terror. I considered it the knell of the
Union."(43)
Clay wrote of the height to which the heated debate arose:
"The words civil war and disunion are uttered almost without
emotion."(44)
(40) Later, Arkansas and Michigan (1836-7), Florida and Iowa (March
3, 1845) and Maine and Missouri were, in pairs--slave and free--
admitted as States.
(41) Both died July 4, 1826.
(42) Hildreth, vol. vi., p. 664.
(43) Jefferson's _Works_, vol. vii., p. 159.
(44) Clay's _Priv. Cor._, p. 61.
XIII
NULLIFICATION--1832-3 (1835)
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