Slavery and the slave trade in AfricaStanley, Henry M. (Henry Morton)
History
Slavery and the slave trade in Africa
Stanley, Henry M. (Henry Morton)
Slave trade -- Africa; Slavery -- Africa
It has since been attempted by more than one power to continue the
trade under the disguised form of cooly and contract labor. Were it
honestly conducted, and the contracts punctually executed on the part
of the employers, there can be no doubt that it would be a means of
elevating the benighted people into a higher standard by the contact
with and example of a superior or, rather, more advanced race. But it
requires a strong and enlightened government to act as umpire in such
cases, and governments, unless they find their influence remunerative,
do not care to take too much trouble. The ignorant islanders of the
South Seas have suffered terribly from this supineness, indifference,
or want of close scrutiny and rigid enforcement of every detail in
the contract by the Queensland government. They have been decoyed
on board the labor-ships under various pretences, and conveyed away
never to return; or they have been allowed to go to the Queensland
plantations uncared and unprovided for; or, after the term of contract
has expired, they have been landed on islands with which they were
totally unacquainted, and become food for savages or been made slaves.
That such things should be possible in a British colony argues a
woful ignorance of the uses of a government, inexcusable stupidity, a
shocking lack of feeling, and an incredible amount of ingratitude. It
would not be difficult to prove such a system worse than open slavery.
The Portuguese have also been until recently offenders against public
sentiment in the matter of exporting “colonials” from Angola for the
cocoa groves of Prince’s Island and the sugar estates of St. Thomas.
These colonials are natives collected from the interior, who, before
embarkation, are looked at by a government functionary, and then
have tin tickets slung around their necks, are given a blanket and
a few flimsy cottons, and are deported to the islands for a term
which to too many of them must be indefinite. The official declared
that all was fair and just, but no one with a fair mind on viewing
a barge-load of these unfortunates could possibly accept such a
statement from an underbred and illiterate official as a voucher.
It appears to me that if the colonials are absolutely required for
the islands by the Portuguese, or contract kanakas by Queensland
planters, their engagement might be made as honest as an agreement
with a number of English navvies for the Suakim-Berber Railway, or
Italians for the Congo Railway, or Jamaicans for the Panama Canal.
But it should be remembered that the lower, the more degraded, and
more ignorant the people from whom these labor gangs are drawn, the
greater are the responsibilities of the government sanctioning such
engagements. For in cases where the government authorizes “contract
labor” or “colonialism,” it should be prepared to supply to the
ignorant native that care, knowledge, prudence, and security which the
English, Italian, and Jamaican navvies possess by education, color, and
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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