Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
cut off by law and custom from all opportunity of emerging from their
debasement; whom no talent, taste, or virtue can ever redeem to the
pleasures and the rights of social intercourse. He sees men and women
who are not degraded on account of the services they perform,--for
“honor and shame from no condition rise,”--but degraded by the motive
and spirit from which the services are performed; men and women who
have no inducements to industry and frugality, for their earnings will
all be seized by another; who have no incentives to self-respect, for
they can never emerge from their menial condition; who are bereaved of
all the wonders and glories of knowledge, lest under its expansions
their natures should burst the thraldom that enslaves them; and all
whose manly qualities, all whose higher faculties, therefore, are
irredeemably and hopelessly crushed, extinguished, obliterated, so
that nothing but the animal, which the master can use for his selfish
purposes, remains.
Mr. BRODHEAD, [of Pennsylvania.] Would you advance the slaves to an
equal social and political condition with the white race?
Mr. MANN. I would give to every human being the best opportunity I
could to develop and cultivate the faculties which God has bestowed
upon him, and which, therefore, he holds under a divine charter. I
would take from his neck the heel that has trodden him down; I would
dispel from his mind the cloud that has shrouded him in moral night; I
would remove the obstructions that have forbidden his soul to aspire;
and having done this, I would leave him, as I would leave every other
man, to find his level,--to occupy the position to which he should be
entitled by his intelligence and his virtues. I entertain no fears on
the much dreaded subject of amalgamation. Legal amalgamation between
the races will never take place, unless, in the changed condition of
society, reasons shall exist to warrant and sanction it; and, in that
case, it will carry its own justification with it. But one thing I
could never understand,--why those who are so horror-stricken at the
idea of _theoretic_ amalgamation, should exhibit to the world, in all
their cities, on all their plantations, and in all their households,
such numberless proofs of _practical_ amalgamation. I never could
see why those who arraign and condemn us at the north so vehemently,
because, as they say, we obtrude our prying eyes into what they call
a “domestic” or “fireside” institution, should have no hesitation in
exhibiting to the world, through all their borders, ten thousand, and
ten times ten thousand, living witnesses, that they make it a bedside
institution. Multitudes of the slaves of the south bear about upon
their persons a brand as indelible as that of Cain; but the mark has
been fastened upon them, not for their own crimes, but for the crimes
of their fathers. In the complexion of the slave, we read the horrid
history of the guilt of the enslavers. They demonstrate that the one
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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