Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
race has been to the other, not the object of benevolence, but the
victim of licentiousness.
But to resume. When the visitor to this city from the north leaves
his lodgings, and goes into the public streets, half the people whom
he meets there are of the same degraded class. Their tattered dress
and unseemly manners denote congenital debasement. Their language
proclaims their ignorance. If you have occasion to send them on an
errand, they cannot read the direction of a note, or a sign on a
shopboard. Their ideas are limited within the narrowest range. They
speak the natural language of servility, and they wear the livery of
an inferior condition. The conviction of their deplorable state is
perpetually forced upon the mind. You do not need their color to remind
you of their degradation. Color, sir! They are oftentimes almost as
white as ourselves. Sir, there is not a member of Congress who has
not frequently seen some of his fellow-members, in the spring of the
year, with a jaundiced skin more sallow and more yellow than that of
many a slave who is bought and sold and owned in this city. I have
seen members of this House to whom I have been disposed to give a
friendly caution to keep their “free papers” about their persons, lest
suddenly, on the presumption from color, they should be seized and sold
for runaway slaves. A yellow complexion here is so common a badge of
slavery, that one whose skin is colored by disease is by no means out
of danger. To enjoy security, a man must do more than take care of his
life; he must take care of his health. It is not enough to take heed
to the meditations of his heart; he must see also to the secretions of
his liver.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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