Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
The state of slavery is always a state of war. In its deepest
tranquillity, it is but a truce. Active hostilities are liable at any
hour to be resumed. Civil war between the north and the south,--any
thing that brings the quickening idea of freedom home to the mind of
the slave; that supplies him with facilities of escape, or immunities
for revenge,--will unleash the bloodhounds of insurrection. Can you
muster armies in secret, and march them in secret, so that the slave
shall not know that they are mustered and marched to perpetuate his
bondage, and to extend the bondage of his race? Was not Major Dade’s
whole command supposed to be massacred through the treachery of a
slave? A foray within your borders places you in such a relation to the
slave that you are helpless without him, and in danger of assassination
with him. He that defends slavery by war, wars against the eternal laws
of God, and rushes upon the thick bosses of Jehovah’s buckler. Such are
some of the “hazards” which the leaders of public opinion at the south,
the legislators and guides of men in this dark and perilous hour, are
invoking upon themselves and their fellows; not for the interests of
the whole, but for the fancied interests of the slaveholders alone,
and against the real interest of a vast majority of the people. May
God give that wisdom to the followers which he seems not yet to have
imparted to the leaders.
Sir, in these remarks, I have studiously abstained from every thing
that seemed to me like retaliation or unkindness. I certainly have
suffered no purposed word of crimination to pass my lips. If I have
uttered severe truths, I have not sought for severe language in
which to clothe them. What I have said, I have said as to a brother
sleeping on the brink of a precipice, where one motion of his troubled
sleeping, or of his bewildered awaking, might plunge him into
remediless ruin.
In conclusion, I have only to add, that such is my solemn and abiding
conviction of the character of slavery, that under a full sense of my
responsibility to my country and my God, I deliberately say, better
disunion,--better a civil or a servile war,--better any thing that
God in his providence shall send, than an extension of the bounds of
slavery.
Upon the close of Mr. Mann’s remarks,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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