Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
To the honor of the Whig party be it said, there was not a northern man
to be found, who, to gain the support of the south, would espouse its
pro-slavery doctrines, or invent any new reading of the constitution to
give them a semblance of law. Hence, at the Philadelphia Convention,
no northern Whig received even so much as a complimentary vote. The
judicial eminence of Judge McLean, the military eminence of General
Scott, were passed contemptuously by; and Mr. Webster, acknowledged to
be the greatest statesman of the age, received but fourteen votes out
of almost three hundred; and twelve of these were from Massachusetts.
Mr. Webster had spoken more eloquent words for liberty than any other
living man, and this distinguished neglect was doubtless intended to
teach him the lesson, that the path to presidential honors did not lie
through an advocacy of the rights of man. General Taylor was nominated
and chosen. He was understood to take neutral ground. Discountenancing
the veto power, if the House of Representatives, who are chosen
directly from and by the people, and the Senate, who are chosen by
the states, will pass a territorial bill, either with or without a
prohibition of slavery, he will approve it. This is the common opinion,
and I have no doubt of its correctness.
Under these circumstances, a most desperate effort was made at the
close of the last Congress to provide a government for the territories
with no prohibition of slavery. Had General Cass been elected, no
such effort would have been necessary, for he was pledged to veto a
prohibition. General Taylor was supposed to be pledged to an opposite
course; and hence the struggle. The facts must be so fresh in the
recollection of all, that they hardly need to be recounted. The
House performed its duty to the country and to freedom, by sending
territorial bills to the Senate containing the prohibitory clause.
The Senate, equalling the northern by its southern votes, and far
outnumbering the Whigs by its Democrats, left those bills to sleep the
sleep of death upon its table. But during the closing hours of the
session, it foisted a provision for the government of the territories
into the general appropriation bill; and held out the menace that this
bill should not pass at all, unless the territorial clause should
pass with it. The flagitiousness of this proceeding it is difficult to
comprehend and impossible to describe. The appropriation bill is one on
which the working, and even the continuance of the government, depend.
Without it, the machinery of the state must cease to move. Contracts by
the government to pay money must be violated. Officers cannot obtain
their salaries. Families must be left without subsistence. If long
continued, all judges would resign, and courts be broken up; and when
justice should cease to be administered, violence, robbery, and every
form of crime would run riot through the land.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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