Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
Besides, an appropriation bill and a bill for the government of
territories have no congruity with each other. They are not relevant.
Neither is germane to the other. Every one knows it to be a common
parliamentary rule that when a proposition is submitted which is
susceptible of a division, any _one_ member has a right to demand
it. All bills, too, for raising revenue, must, by the constitution,
originate in the House; and the House has as much right to interfere
to prevent the Senate from ratifying a treaty, as the Senate has to
obstruct the passage of a revenue bill by adding to it extraneous
provisions. It was this effort on the part of the Senate to incorporate
into the appropriation bill a provision most unrighteous in itself
and most odious to the free sentiments of the north, which led to the
protracted session on the night of the 3d of March, 1849. The course of
the pro-slavery leaders, on that occasion, resembled that of a madman
who should seize a torch and stand over the magazine of a ship, and
proclaim that he would send men and vessel to destruction, unless they
would steer for his port. A portion of the House confederated with
the majority of the Senate in this unprincipled machination; but the
larger number stood undaunted, and after perils, such as so precious
an interest never before encountered, the pro-slavery amendment was
stricken out, and its champions were foiled. Through that memorable
night the friends of freedom wrestled like Jacob with the angel of God,
and though the session did not close until the sun of a Sabbath morning
shone full into the windows of the capitol, yet a holier work never was
done on that holy day.
It was with a joy such as no words can ever express, that I saw the
territories rescued from the clutch of slavery by the expiration of
the Thirtieth Congress. I felt confident that when the Thirty-first
Congress should assemble, it would be under better auspices, and with a
stronger phalanx on the side of freedom. In regard to California, those
hopes have been fulfilled; but I proceed to state how they have been
nearly extinguished in regard to the residue of the territory.
Our first disaster was the election of a most adroit, talented, and
zealous pro-slavery speaker. A better organ for the accomplishment of
their purposes the friends of slavery could not have found; nor the
friends of freedom a more formidable opponent. Whilst the pro-slavery
champions of the south, almost without distinction of party, exulted
over this triumph, it has been the occasion of most lamentable
criminations and recriminations at the north. Southern men abandon all
distinctions of Whig or Democrat for the cause of slavery. Would to God
we could do as much for the cause of freedom.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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