Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
The choice of a pro-slavery speaker was immediately followed by the
appointment of most ultra pro-slavery committees. Some Free-Soil
members, it is true, were placed upon these committees; but in this,
the speaker only carried out more fully his own purposes and those of
his party, by putting, what they considered as insane men, into close
custody, instead of letting them run at large. He showed, however,
either a want of courage in himself, or of confidence in his chosen
guards; for, on the District of Columbia committee he detailed a
file of five, on the judiciary committee a file of four, and on the
territorial committee a file of six strong pro-slavery men, for the
safe keeping of one Free-Soiler.
Within an hour after the House was organized, Mr. Root, of Ohio,
submitted a resolution, instructing the committee on territories
to report territorial bills prohibiting slavery. Many true friends
to freedom believed this movement to be ill timed and unfortunate;
and though the House then refused, by a handsome vote, to lay the
resolution on the table, yet when it came up for consideration again,
the first decision was reversed by about the same majority. There is
abundant proof that the latter vote did not express the true sentiment
of the House. Not a few voted against the resolution avowedly because
of its paternity,--thus spiting a noble son on account of its obnoxious
father. Others repented of their votes as soon as they came to reflect
that the record would go where their explanation could not accompany it.
But unfortunately it was too late. There stands the record, to survive
through all time and to be read of all men. The champions of slavery
seized upon this vote as a propitious omen. They derided and scouted
the proviso with a fierceness unknown before. They shouted their
threats of disunion with a more defiant tone, should any attempt at
what they called its resurrection, be made. A speech was delivered by
Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, in which a massacre of a majority of
the House was distinctly shadowed forth, so that not “a quorum should
be left to do business.” The effect of that vote was almost as bad as
though it meant what it said.
At a later day, when a bill for the admission of California was
presented, the tactics of delay were resorted to, and midnight found
us calling the yeas and nays, for more than the thirtieth time, on
questions whose frivolousness and vexatiousness cannot be indicated by
numbers.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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