Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
This is _one_ of the reasons why slave labor is so much less efficient
than free labor. The former can never compete with the latter; and
while the greater service is performed with cheerfulness, the smaller
is extorted by fear. Just as certain as that the locomotive can outrun
the horse, and the lightning outspeed the locomotive, just so certain
is it that he who is animated by the hopes and the rewards of freedom
will outstrip the disheartened and fear-driven slave.
The intelligent freeman can afford to live well, dress decently, and
occupy a comfortable tenement. A scanty subsistence, a squalid garb, a
mean and dilapidated hovel, proclaim the degradation of the slave. The
slave states gain millions of dollars every year from the privations,
the mean food, clothing, and shelter to which the slaves are subjected;
and yet they grow rich less rapidly than states where millions of
dollars are annually expended for the comforts and conveniences of the
laborer. More is lost in production than is gained by privation.
A universal concomitant of slavery is, that it makes white labor
disreputable. Being disreputable, it is shunned. The pecuniary loss
resulting from this is incalculable. Dry up the myriad headsprings of
the Mississippi, and where would be the mighty volume of waters which
now bear navies on their bosom, and lift the ocean itself above its
level, by their outpouring flood? Abolish those sources of wealth,
which consist in the personal industry of every man, and of each member
of every man’s family, and that wide-spread thrift, and competence, and
elegance, which are both the reward and the stimulus of labor, will be
abolished with them. Forego the means, and you forfeit the end. You
must use the instrument if you would have the product. Nothing but the
feeling of independence, the conscious security of working for one’s
self and one’s family, will, in the present state of the world, make
labor profitable.
I know it has been recently said in this capital, and by high
authority, that, with the exception of menial services, it is not
disreputable at the south for a white man to labor. There are two ways,
each independent of the other, to disprove this assertion. One of them
consists in the testimony of a host of intelligent witnesses acquainted
with the condition of things at the south. I might quote page after
page from various sources; but, as the assertion comes from a gentleman
belonging to South Carolina, [Mr. CALHOUN, of the Senate,] I will meet
it with the statement of another gentleman belonging to the same
state. I refer to Mr. William Gregg, of Charleston, a gentleman who is
extensively acquainted with the social condition of men, both north and
south.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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