Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
The institution of slavery is against natural right. Jurists, from the
time of Justinian; orators, from the time of Cicero; poets, from the
time of Homer, declare it to be wrong. The writers on moral or ethical
science,--the expounders of the law of nations and of God,--denounce
slavery as an invasion of the rights of man. They find no warrant
for it in the eternal principles of justice and equity; and in that
great division which they set forth between right and wrong, they
arrange slavery in the catalogue of crime. All the noblest instincts
of human nature rebel against it. Whatever has been taught by sage,
or sung by poet, in favor of freedom, is a virtual condemnation of
slavery. Whenever we applaud the great champions of liberty, who, by
the sacrifice of life in the cause of freedom, have won the homage
of the world and an immortality of fame, we record the testimony of
our hearts against slavery. Wherever patriotism and philanthropy have
glowed brightest; wherever piety and a devout religious sentiment have
burned most fervently, there has been the most decided recognition of
the universal rights of man.
Sir, let us analyze this subject, and see if slavery be not the most
compact, and concentrated, and condensed system of wrong which the
depravity of man has ever invented. Slavery is said to have had its
origin in war. It is claimed that the captor had a right to take the
life of his captive; and that if he spared that life he made it his
own, and thus acquired a right to control it. I deny the right of
the captor to the life of his captive; and even if this right were
conceded, I deny his right to the life of the captive’s offspring. But
this relation between captor and captive precludes the idea of peace;
for no peace can be made where there is no free agency. Peace being
precluded, it follows inevitably that the state of war continues.
Hence, the state of slavery is a state of war; and though active
hostilities may have ceased, they are liable to break out, and may
rightfully break out, at any moment. How long must our fellow-citizens,
who were enslaved in Algiers, have continued in slavery, before they
would have lost the right of escape or of resistance?
The gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. BOCOCK,] in his speech this morning,
put the right of the slaveholder upon a somewhat different ground.
He said a man might acquire property in a horse before the existence
of civil society, by catching a wild one. And so, he added, one man
might acquire property in another man, by subduing him to his will.
The superior force gave the right, whether to the horse or to the man.
Now, if this be so, and if at any time the superior force should change
sides, then it follows inevitably that the relation of the parties
might be rightfully changed by a new appeal to force.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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