Social-Democracy and Woman Suffrage: A Paper Read by Clara Zetkin to the Conference of Women Belonging to the Social-Democratic Party Held at Mannheim, Before the Opening of the Annual Congress of the German Social-DemocracyZetkin, Klara
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Social-Democracy and Woman Suffrage: A Paper Read by Clara Zetkin to the Conference of Women Belonging to the Social-Democratic Party Held at Mannheim, Before the Opening of the Annual Congress of the German Social-Democracy
Zetkin, Klara
Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands; Women -- Suffrage
But now there is another point to be considered. The action of the
Social-Democracy with reference to Woman Suffrage is more and more
energetic and thorough, and the question that arises is whether we
weaken the danger of the granting of a partial Woman Suffrage by
agitating as we do for Universal Suffrage. But to that I reply that by
carrying on a propaganda of enlightenment and organisation of working
women we shall so improve the political knowledge and outlook of these
women that it will be impossible for reaction ever to reckon on the
support of women’s votes. After, however, making that point clear, there
are yet, in many countries, comrades who have worked hard in order to
obtain Universal Suffrage for men, and who are doubtful whether it is
wise at present to agitate for Woman Suffrage. That we saw in Belgium in
1902, where the Labour Party, in their struggle for equal Universal
Suffrage, gave up the agitation for Woman Suffrage, on the ground that
the Liberals declared they would not support the demand for a reform of
the Suffrage unless the Socialists gave up the demand for Woman
Suffrage. What happened then? The Labour Party in Belgium, in their
campaign in and out of Parliament for the advocacy of equal Universal
Suffrage, was most shamefully deserted by the Liberal Party. There has
been no practical result, though the demand for Woman Suffrage was
abandoned. The same kind of thing happened this year in Sweden. Under
the stress of the agitation of the Socialist Party, the Government
promised to bring in a Bill for the extension of the Suffrage, but they
had previously declared, when asked by the leaders of the middle-class
partisans of Woman Suffrage, that if they did so they would also bring
in a Bill establishing a modified form of Woman Suffrage. The
Social-Democratic Party then determined not to ask for Woman Suffrage,
but to vote for it if that measure was advocated by another party. The
measure for the reform of the Suffrage was passed by the popular
Chamber, but was wrecked by the Upper House. Though the working men had
reduced their demands, yet the Socialists were left in the lurch by the
middle-class parties. The abandonment of the principal demand led to no
practical result. Comrade Branting declared recently that the struggle
would enter into a new phase, and that a reform of the Upper House would
be demanded, and he finished by saying that this struggle would be one
of great importance, as it would be a struggle between the power of the
classes possessing property and those having none, and that the
proletariat must use all its power in the struggle. But a struggle which
is to be so important, and which is to have such far-reaching
consequences, must be fought on the question of principles, and not
carried on in any petty opportunist manner; it must be a fight for
universal, equal Suffrage for both men and women. A similar situation
has also occurred in Austria. Here the proletariat, after a long, weary
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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