Social legislation and social activity : $b being addresses delivered at the sixth annual meeting of the American academy of political and social science of Philadelphia — John Shaqi
Social legislation and social activity : $b being addresses delivered at the sixth annual meeting of the American academy of political and social science of PhiladelphiaAmerican Academy of Political and Social Science
History
Social legislation and social activity : $b being addresses delivered at the sixth annual meeting of the American academy of political and social science of Philadelphia
American Academy of Political and Social Science
Arbitration, Industrial; Child labor; Child labor -- United States; Factory laws and legislation -- United States; Housing -- United States; Juvenile courts; Labor -- United States
Labor insists upon and will never surrender the right to free
locomotion, the right to move at will, the right to go from Philadelphia
to Camden or California, or vice versa, at will. To achieve that right
it has cost centuries of struggles and sacrifices and burdens. Laborers,
moreover, will insist upon the right freely to change their employment,
a right which they have secured through centuries of travail and
sacrifices. That right three-fourths of the nation was up in arms a
little more than forty years ago to achieve for the black man, and the
white laborers of America will not surrender that prerogative. Laborers
are aiming at freedom through organization and intelligence.
The Industrial Department of the National Civic Federation is
erroneously thought by some to be an arbitration committee, whereas the
first purpose is to endeavor to bring about a conference between
employers and employees before any acute state of feeling shall occur
relative to their diverse interests. If a rupture occurs, the committee
endeavors to bring about a conference so that arbitration may be
resorted to if both parties to the controversy shall so request.
As a rule, men do not care to refer matters in which they are
particularly and financially interested to what are usually termed
disinterested parties. They prefer to meet with those whose interests
may be opposite to theirs, and, each conceding something in a
conciliatory spirit, endeavor to come to an adjustment and agreement.
Unorganized workmen have a notion that they are absolutely impotent,
that the employers are omnipotent, almighty. This is typified in the
thought or expression, “What can labor do against capital?” Likewise the
employers of unorganized workmen usually regard themselves as “monarchs
of all they survey,” and brook no interference. If any workman has the
temerity to question the justice or sense of fairness of the employer or
the wages paid, he is dismissed and a strike frequently results.
No strikes are conducted more bitterly than strikes of previously
unorganized workmen. As soon as such men become desperate enough to
strike, they are transformed; they no longer believe the employer
all-powerful, but attribute to themselves that function and faculty; the
touching of shoulders brings a newfound power to their minds, of which
they never dreamed before, and they look upon their employers against
whom they went on strike as absolutely at their mercy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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