Social legislation and social activity : $b being addresses delivered at the sixth annual meeting of the American academy of political and social science of PhiladelphiaAmerican Academy of Political and Social Science
History
Social legislation and social activity : $b being addresses delivered at the sixth annual meeting of the American academy of political and social science of Philadelphia
American Academy of Political and Social Science
Arbitration, Industrial; Child labor; Child labor -- United States; Factory laws and legislation -- United States; Housing -- United States; Juvenile courts; Labor -- United States
The growth of prosperity in this country has always been in ratio to
increased production, and until a recent period such increased
production has been the direct result of the co-operation of the
wage-earner and the wage-payer. In the beginning of our commercial
history it was only necessary for one man to exchange the product of his
own industry for that of other men to obtain the necessities of life,
and then the results of labor were not measured by a unit of value or
wage, but by the amount of energy expended in production.
When the rapid growth of the country required greater productiveness,
and the enlargement of territory made necessary a change in the
distribution of the products of labor, the factory system was
introduced, whereby capital, or unproductive labor, was joined with
productive labor to accomplish greater results than had heretofore been
attained by individual labor.
This brought with it the employment of a number of wage-earners under
the direction of one or more employers, or wage-payers, and made it
necessary to determine the relation of one to the other, or rather the
share each should have in the division of profits.
All conflicts which have ever arisen between men upon any subject,
whether social, political or religious, have been based, not upon
difference in conditions really existing, but upon difference of opinion
as to the relation which existed between the parties to the conflict;
and strife, to a greater or less extent, has been brought into use to
determine such position.
An excess of power on one side or the other succeeded in establishing
for a time the opinion of the victor, but never removed the cause of
dispute; and so the organization of wage-earners into associations or
unions enabled them to establish from time to time, by power which they
never hesitated to exercise, such wages and conditions as in their
opinion were fair to them, but not always in accord with the condition
of supply and demand.
From their struggle arose the continual change of wages in ratio to the
power of either party, the employer lowering wages when by reason of
limited demand he could limit production, and the employee raising wages
when his services were in sufficient demand to enable him to do so.
The union was able in many cases,—I may say in all cases,—to enforce its
demands because of the combined power it could exercise against the
individual employer, and, as is usual in such cases, soon began to
exercise a power which was unnatural and unwarranted. The result of this
was the necessity of forming an organized opposition to their force by
creating an opposing force in the organization of the employer class,
and this brings me to the history of two organizations of this character
with which I have been closely identified during the past fifteen years,
and which have been successful in establishing a new basis of relation
between the employer and employee.
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