Social legislation and social activity : $b being addresses delivered at the sixth annual meeting of the American academy of political and social science of Philadelphia — John Shaqi
Social legislation and social activity : $b being addresses delivered at the sixth annual meeting of the American academy of political and social science of PhiladelphiaAmerican Academy of Political and Social Science
History
Social legislation and social activity : $b being addresses delivered at the sixth annual meeting of the American academy of political and social science of Philadelphia
American Academy of Political and Social Science
Arbitration, Industrial; Child labor; Child labor -- United States; Factory laws and legislation -- United States; Housing -- United States; Juvenile courts; Labor -- United States
It is justly claimed that in many instances the wage-earners would not
be benefited by a distribution in cash of a percentage of the profits,
that they would fritter it away either foolishly or with lack of
discretion. There is nothing to which the average family can adjust
itself so easily and with such alacrity as to an increase in income.
Could we but save the wastes of carelessness, the losses from strikes
and lock-outs, and to these add the enlarged profits resulting from a
broader co-operation and greater physical ability to produce, then
capitalize and conserve all of these for the benefit of those who in
each case have contributed their proportion—either in capital, brains or
labor—to the enlarged success of the enterprise, we would have placed
within reach better homes, better clothing, better food, better schools,
and have taken a step forward which should inspire individuals of both
classes with higher ambitions for a larger and better life.
“Prosperity sharing,” strictly speaking, does not go, far enough,
because it limits the amount awarded to labor to a small percentage of
the real profits. The share must be small because “adversity sharing”
does not accompany profit-sharing. In all fairness the share of labor in
the margins of the business should be of such proportions that justice
to all would make it alike a sharer in losses as well as in gains. By
this we do not mean to say, when losses occur, that labor should
contribute actual money to make good any portion of the impairment. Such
a proposition would be impracticable and impossible. The share of labor
in the surplus profits—that is, after the payment of standard wages and
a just return to capital for its simple use—should be upon a most
liberal basis, and any and all impairments suffered in years of
adversity should be made good out of subsequent surplus earnings (in
which, except for such impairment, labor would have been a sharer)
before wages shall again be entitled to any further dividends.
Amongst the various schemes that have been put into operation in those
concerns which have endeavored to make their employees sharers in the
profits of the business, the most familiar plan is that of offering to
wages a dividend on the total amount thereof, at the same rate of
percentage as is paid on the par value of the capital stock. This
proposition is unfair, since in most industries the capital stock
amounts to several times the total of the annual pay-roll. After the
first adjustment upon that basis, the incentive to labor to strive for
larger results is almost insignificant, since the share of wages in the
subsequent increased earnings would, where the capital is equal to say
four times the annual pay-roll, amount to only one-fifth of the increase
in net earnings, the other four-fifths thereof going to capital.
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