It would seem that we must rely for our standards mainly upon the actual
test of social struggle, acting either through economic misery or
through some kind of moral pressure, in the nature of custom or public
opinion, which shall discourage from raising families those who do not
“make good,” and require a greater fecundity from those who do.
In the past we have made use, unconsciously, of misery, which was
rendered the more unjust and indiscriminate by the fact that those
subject to it were held in a lower class, having little real opportunity
to show their fitness for a higher condition. We seek to do away with
this, not only because of the injustice and indiscrimination, but also
because degradation impairs the whole state of society. At the same time
we must admit the possibility that we may make a bad situation worse by
abolishing the only selective agent we have.
Our chief reliance, apparently, must be upon substituting custom and
social pressure for misery in restricting the propagation of those who
cannot maintain their families at a normal standard of living.
Experience seems to show that the voluntary check easily comes into
operation along with the growth of intelligence and social ambition—so
easily that it is already carried to excess by the well-to-do in most
countries, and in at least one country—France—by the bulk of the people.
It appears not at all Utopian to think that this mild and indirect check
may in time not only take the place of destructive misery, but prove
more effective as a method of selection.
Meanwhile we have a difficult problem in that class of people who are
poor stock, but not so definitely degenerate that it is practicable to
interfere and prevent their propagation. Almost every village has such a
problem in the irresponsible procreation of families whom the community
knows to be incompetent. I have received trustworthy accounts of many
such from students.
It will appear to some that the whole plan of improvement breaks down at
this point through the inadequacy of social pressure to limit natural
increase. But we have come a long way since Malthus, and in a general
view of the situation it appears probable, though not demonstrable, that
social pressure will more and more meet the problem. A reasonable view
of irresponsible procreation is that it is confined chiefly to those
families which, through neglect, have not learned to feel the cogency of
higher standards of life, and that the best way to deal with it is to
make those standards universal. To fall back upon misery and vice for
elimination would probably, by increasing irresponsibility, make matters
worse rather than better. In other words, while the plan of dealing with
the whole situation by opportunity, standards, and moral control is not
free from difficulties, it is more promising, even at its weakest point,
than a policy of neglect.
_PART V_
GROUP CONFLICT
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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