Socialism, Revolution and InternationalismDeville, Gabriel Pierre
General
Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism
Deville, Gabriel Pierre
Socialism
During the capitalist period, it suffices for socialism to establish
the possibility of the emancipation of the working-class and to work
for that emancipation. There is no occasion to waste time in working
out and settling the details of the organization of the future
society. Each epoch has its task. Let us not have the presumption to
lay down rules for those who are to come after us, and let us be
content with present duties. The point upon which socialism trains its
guns at present, though recognizing the utility that it has had in the
past, is the capital-form; but let us not forget that the substance
beneath this form will be every whit preserved. When an office is
taken away from an office-holder, the individual is left without a
hair the less. In the same way, in taking from the means of
production their function as capital, everything that functions
to-day under that form will remain intact. Socialism then attacks the
capital-form, the form only, and it attacks it only in so far as the
economic phenomena authorize such an attack. Everything which
constitutes the substance of capital will be preserved, the
capital-form alone will disappear and along with it that power that it
involves of exploiting the labor of others.
What will be the fate of the capitalists?
Capital appears to be a collective power or force, by its origin,
since it springs from the accumulated surplus-labor of a collective
body of laborers, by its functional activity since it also requires a
collective body of laborers to enable it to enter upon its functions,
and by its mode of ownership since, if it is private property, it
tends more and more to be the private property, not of an individual,
but of a collective body, a company or trust. To make public property
of the means of production, which are capital when they are able to
exploit the labor of others and which are capital only on that
condition, is simply to generalize the collective or social character
which they already have.
Is the holder of a share in a mining or railway company or any sort of
stock-company justified in speaking of "his" property? Where is his
property? In what does it consist? What can he show if someone asks to
see it? A machine? A piece of real estate? No, simply one or several
bits of paper which represent only an infinitesimal fraction of an
undivided whole. Would this shareholder be any the less a
property-owner, if this undivided whole should become an integrant
portion of the national property? Would there be such a great
difference between "his" property, as it now is, and his quota or
share in the national property? Just as the capitalists understand
well enough to-day how to avail themselves of the national forests,
for instance, for fresh air, pleasure excursions afoot and awheel,
recreation, etc., so, after the socialization of the material objects
that make up what is at present capital, they would use this newly
nationalized property as means of labor or production.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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