Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism — John Shaqi
Socialism, Revolution and InternationalismDeville, Gabriel Pierre
General
Socialism, Revolution and Internationalism
Deville, Gabriel Pierre
Socialism
I will ask you to note that I speak of classes and not of orders or
estates, because these last expressions imply a legal demarcation
between the categories of persons which they indicate; while the word
_class_ simply denotes, according to Littré,[2] the "grades
established among men by the diversity and inequality of their
circumstances." This is the reason that some among us refuse to make
use of the expression "Fourth Estate." There are no longer any
Estates, it is true, but it is not the less true that there still are
classes. As no one among us any longer dares to approve of their
existence, to deny it is the only way to avoid combatting it. And so
it is this denial that is resorted to by those adversaries of
socialism whose only weapons are falsehood and hypocrisy. Socialists
are not the cause of the existence of classes because they recognize
their existence. They limit themselves to establishing that which has
been, that which is and that which is destined to be: the origin of
classes, their present persistence and their approaching
disappearance.
* * * * *
As soon as, thanks to the development of the faculties of man and to
his industrial discoveries, the productivity of labor became great
enough for an individual to be able to produce more than was
indispensable for his maintenance, the division of society into two
great classes, the exploiters and the exploited, was effected. And
this division had its justification, so long as production was not
sufficient to render comfort for all a possibility. But, thanks to
machinery and to scientific appliances which facilitate labor, while
vastly multiplying the supply of articles of consumption, the
exhausting labor of the masses and the monopolization of comfort by a
minority can henceforth give place, must henceforth give place, and
will give place in a future which no longer seems distant, to the
universalization of labor and its inevitable consequence, the
universalization of comfort and of leisure, that is to say, to social
conditions under which there will be no classes, because their
existence will (as now) serve no useful end as it has done in the
past. We will soon see that our present ruling class, far from being
useful, is already becoming baneful.
To-day, if the existence of distinct classes has, apparently, lost all
legal sanction, it is just as real a fact as ever. To deny it, one
must have--pardon me the expression, but I can find no other defining
as accurately this state of mind--the desire to play the fool, or the
interest to do so. It is impossible to deny seriously that a part of
the population is, in fact, through the form of the economic
relations, through their material self-interest, through their need of
food, placed in a position of dependence upon another portion of the
population, and that there is an antagonism between those who must
struggle to exist by working and those who can bargain out to them the
means of labor.[3]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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