South Africa and the Transvaal War, Vol. 7 (of 8): The Guerilla War, from February 1901 to the Conclusion of Hostilities — John Shaqi
South Africa and the Transvaal War, Vol. 7 (of 8): The Guerilla War, from February 1901 to the Conclusion of HostilitiesCreswicke, Louis
History
South Africa and the Transvaal War, Vol. 7 (of 8): The Guerilla War, from February 1901 to the Conclusion of Hostilities
Creswicke, Louis
South African War, 1899-1902; Transvaal (South Africa) -- History
"As our terms have been refused by Botha, they are of course
withdrawn, and his Majesty's Government do not think it
advisable that you or Kitchener should reopen negotiations.
Should Botha or other leaders make any further suggestions of
their own accord Kitchener will, of course, forward them to us
without expressing any opinion upon them to those who make
them. But neither Mrs. Botha nor any one else should be led to
suppose that we could consider terms more favourable to the
Boers than those which have been rejected. The Secretary of
State for War will send a copy of this to Kitchener."
That the negotiations were looked upon with disfavour by all parties
concerned is undoubted. A letter written by one of Reuter's
correspondents expresses the very general view taken by the British in
the field:--
"The Parliamentary paper giving particulars of the peace
negotiations has been eagerly read by all ranks of the Army. It
is impossible to shut one's eyes to the fact that the British
forces now operating in South Africa are profoundly
dissatisfied with them. On all hands, and from all ranks, the
same complaint is heard, that they are too lenient, and are not
calculated to bring permanent peace to South Africa. There is
no bitterness against the Boers; that feeling has long ago died
out, but when the men came to read the terms of peace proposed
by the British Government, they remembered their dead comrades
whose graves mark the line of march, and asked themselves: 'Is
it for this that they have died?' The Army, which has undergone
countless hardships and dangers, is less articulate than a
municipal body in England, but surely it should have its say.
The regular Army, perhaps, is expected not to think or to
express its thought about politics, but to fight, and only to
fight; but the South Africans, the Canadians, and the
Australians will give expression to their sentiments. They
declare that in the terms of peace offered by the British
Government there are all the elements of future rebellion and
unrest. 'Give the Boers,' they say, 'even more than we have
promised them, but let it be as a free gift after surrender,
and not as a condition of surrender.' Curiously enough, these
sentiments are shared entirely by the Burghers who have
surrendered, and who are only waiting for the end of
hostilities to take their places as British subjects,
determined to do their utmost for the peaceful development of a
country which, under British rule, will be as much theirs as
anybody else's. One of them, speaking to me the other day, put
forward his view of the case. 'If the British grant terms to
those burghers now under arms,' he said, 'they at once
establish for all time a confession of weakness. We shall tell
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