South Africa -- Description and travel; South Africa -- History -- 1836-1909; South Africa -- History -- To 1836
heartfelt hatred of slavery which is now common to all of us in England
has not yet reached the Dutchman of South Africa,--and is hardly as
strong in the bosoms of all British South African Colonists as it might
be.
After the death of the elder Pretorius the Republic had by no means a
quiet or a bloodless time. The capital was then at Potchefstrom, near
the Vaal, while the enormous territory claimed by it to the north was
almost without government. There are stories of terrible massacres
amidst the records of the Republic,--of fearful revenge inflicted on
the white men by the Savage whose lands had been taken from him, and of
tenfold, hundredfold revenge following quick upon the heads of the
wretched people. “Thou shalt utterly destroy them!” And therefore a
whole tribe was smothered and starved to death within the caves in which
they had taken refuge. We read that, “For years afterwards the supremacy
of the white man was unquestioned in that part of the Transvaal, and we
can easily believe it.”[3] But for some years the Republic hardly had
any other history but that of its contests with the Natives and its
efforts to extend its borders by taking land wherever its scanty
European population could extend itself. The cities “very far off” were
all their legitimate prey. As the people thus followed out their destiny
at great distances the seat of Government was moved from Potchefstrom to
Pretoria, which city was named after the founder of the Republic.
Upon the death of Andreas Pretorius in 1853 his son became President;
but in 1859 he was elected President of the Free State in the room of
Mr. Bostrof, who had then retired. When at Bloemfontein he advocated
measures for joining the two Republics under the name of the South
African Republic. Already had risen the idea that the Dutch might oust
the English from the continent, not by force of arms but by Republican
sentiment,--an idea however which has never travelled beyond the brains
of a few political leaders in the Transvaal. I do not think that a trace
of it is to be found in the elder Pretorius. Mr. Burgers, the last
President, of whom I shall have to speak presently, was so inflated by
it, that it may be said to have governed all his actions. The idea is
grand, for a South African Dutchman patriotic, and for a Republican
Dutchman not unnatural. But such ideas must depend on their success for
their vindication. When unsuccessful they seem to have been foolish
thoughts, bags of gas and wind, and are held to be proof of the
incompetency of the men who held them for any useful public action.
Neither will Mr. Pretorius junior nor Mr. Burgers ever be regarded as
benefactors of their country or as great statesmen; but the bosoms of
each have no doubt swelled with the aspiration of being called the Dutch
Washington of South Africa. I think I may say that Mr. Brand, who is now
President of the Orange Free State, is imbued with no such vaulting
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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