South Africa -- Description and travel; South Africa -- History -- 1836-1909; South Africa -- History -- To 1836
I have endeavoured in the last chapter to tell very shortly the story of
the South African Republic and to describe its condition at the moment
when our Secretary of State at home took the unusual step of sending a
British Commissioner,--not with orders to take possession of the land
but with orders which have been held to justify the act when done. I
doubt whether there is a precedent for so high-handed a deed in British
history. It is as though the rulers of Germany were to say that in their
opinion the existence of a Switzerland in Europe was deleterious and
dangerous, and that therefore they would abolish Switzerland as a
Republic, and annex its territory. It will be said that the case would
be different because Switzerland is well governed and prosperous. But
the Germans in such a case would say that they thought otherwise,--which
is what we say here,--and that they therefore took it. It was we who
found fault with the management of that other Republic and we who have
taken possession of the land. It is well that the whole truth as to the
matter should be understood. If we had done this act in compliance with
the expressed wish of the inhabitants generally, that would be a
justification. But it cannot fairly be said that such was the case
here. A nation with a popular parliament can only be held to express its
opinion to another nation by the voice of its parliament;--and the
Volksraad of the Transvaal was altogether opposed to the interference of
Great Britain. I will touch upon this matter again presently when
alluding to the words of the Commission given to the British
Commissioner by the Secretary of State at home;--but I think it must be
acknowledged that no other expression of opinion, unless it be a general
rising of a people, can be taken as national. In nine cases out of ten
petitions ought to be held to mean nothing. They cannot be verified.
They show the energy of the instigators of the petition and not of the
petitioners. They can be signed by those who have and by those who have
not an interest in the matter. The signatures to them can be readily
forged. At home in England the right of petitioning is so dear to us
from tradition that we still cling to it as one of the bulwarks of our
freedom; but there cannot be a statesman, hardly a Member of Parliament
among us, who does not feel that pen and ink and agitating management
have become so common that petitions are seldom now entitled to much
respect.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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