Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition. — John Shaqi
Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition.Pitt, William
History
Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition.
Pitt, William
Ireland -- Politics and government -- 1760-1820
I am at least, therefore, secure from the design of appearing to
deliver any partial or chimerical opinion of my own, when I thus state,
on the authority of a person the best informed, and who then judged
dispassionately, both the infinite importance to Ireland of securing
permanently the great commercial advantages which she now holds at the
discretion of Great Britain, and the additional benefit which she would
derive from any settlement which opened to her gradually a still more
free and compleat commercial intercourse with this Country. And while
I state thus strongly the commercial advantages to the sister Kingdom,
I have no alarm left I should excite any sentiment of jealousy here. I
know that the inhabitants of Great Britain wish well to the prosperity
of Ireland;—that, if the Kingdoms are really and solidly united, they
feel that to increase the commercial wealth of one Country is not to
diminish that of the other, but to increase the strength and power of
both. But to justify that sentiment, we must be satisfied that the wealth
we are pouring into the lap of Ireland is not every day liable to be
snatched from us, and thrown into the scale of the enemy. If therefore
Ireland is to continue, as I trust it will for ever, an essential part
of the integral strength of the British Empire; if her strength is to be
permanently ours, and our strength to be hers, neither I, nor any English
minister, can ever be deterred by the fear of creating jealousy in the
hearts of Englishmen, from stating the advantages of a closer Connection,
or from giving any assistance to the Commercial Prosperity of that
Kingdom.
If ever indeed I should have the misfortune to witness the melancholy
moment when such principles must be abandoned, when all hope of seeing
Ireland permanently and securely connected with this country shall be at
an end, I shall at least have the consolation of knowing, that it will
not be the want of temper or forbearance, of conciliation, of kindness,
or of full explanation on our part, which will have produced an event
so fatal to Ireland, and so dangerous to Great Britain. If ever the
over-bearing power of prejudice and passion shall produce that fatal
consequence, it will too late be perceived and acknowledged, that all the
great commercial advantages which Ireland at present enjoys, and which
are continually increasing, are to be ascribed to the liberal conduct,
the fostering care, of the British Empire, extended to the Sister
Kingdom as to a part of ourselves, and not (as has been fallaciously and
vainly pretended) to any thing which has been done or can be done by the
independent power of her own separate Legislature.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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