Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition.Pitt, William
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Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition.
Pitt, William
Ireland -- Politics and government -- 1760-1820
want nothing but that indissoluble Connection to render both invincible.
Non ego nec Teucris Italos parere jubebo
Nec nova regna peto; paribus se legibus ambæ
Invictæ gentes æterna in fædera mittant.
Sir, I have nearly stated all that is necessary for me to trouble the
House with; there are, however, one or two other objections which I wish
not entirely to pass over: One of them is, a general notion that a Union
with Great Britain must necessarily increase one of the great evils of
Ireland, by producing depopulation in many parts of the Country, and by
increasing greatly the number of absentees. I do not mean to deny that
this effect would, to a limited extent, take place during a part of the
year; but I think it will not be difficult for me to prove, that this
circumstance will be more than counterbalanced by the operation of the
system in other respects.
If it be true that this measure has an inevitable tendency to admit
the introduction of that British Capital which is most likely to give
life to all the operations of Commerce, and to all the improvements of
Agriculture; if it be that which above all other considerations is most
likely to give security, quiet, and internal repose to Ireland; if it
is likely to remove the chief bar to the internal advancement of wealth
and of civilization, by a more intimate intercourse with England; if it
is more likely to communicate from hence those habits which distinguish
this Country, and which, by a continued gradation, unite the highest
and the lowest orders of the community without a chasm in any part of
the system; if it is not only likely to invite (as I have already said)
English Capital to set Commerce in motion, but to offer it the use of new
markets, to open fresh resources of wealth and industry; can wealth, can
industry, can civilization increase among the whole bulk of the people
without much more than counterbalancing the partial effect of the removal
of the few individuals who, for a small part of the year, would follow
the seat of Legislation? If, notwithstanding the absence of Parliament
from Dublin, it would still remain the centre of Education and of the
internal commerce of a country increasing in improvement; if it would
still remain the seat of legal discussion, which must always increase
with an increase of property and occupation, will it be supposed, with
a view even to the interests of those whose partial interests have been
most successfully appealed to; with a view either to the respectable
Body of the Bar, to the Merchant, or Shopkeeper, of Dublin (if it were
possible to suppose that a transaction of this sort ought to be referred
to that single criterion) that they would not find their proportionate
share of advantage in the general advantage of the State? Let it be
remembered, also, that if the transfer of the Seat of Legislature may
call from Ireland to England the Members of the United Parliament,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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