But all was not going well there. When the Kansas-Nebraska bill passed,
Sumner exultantly exclaimed: "It sets freedom and slavery face to face,
and bids them grapple." Nebraska was conceded to freedom, but the day
Kansas, the southern Territory, was thrown open to settlement, a long,
confused, confusing struggle began. The whole country was drawn into it.
Blue lodges in the South, emigrant aid societies in the North, hurried
opposing forces into the field. The Southerners, aided by colonized
voters from Missouri, got control of the territorial legislature and
passed a slave code. The Free-Soilers, ignoring the government thus
established, gathered in convention at Topeka, formed a free state
constitution, and demanded to be admitted into the Union as a State.
When a new Congress assembled in December, 1855, there were two
governments in Kansas, and the people were separated into hostile camps.
Brawls were frequent, and it was clear that very soon, unless the
general government intervened, there would be concerted violence. A
force of several thousand pro-slavery men, encamped on the Wakarusa
River, were threatening Lawrence, the principal Free-Soil town. The
Free-Soil men were in a majority, but their course had been in disregard
of law. The pro-slavery men were in a minority, they had resorted to
violence and fraud, but they had followed the forms of law.
President Pierce, swayed by Jefferson Davis, took the side of slavery.
The House was nearly two months organizing, and then the President sent
in a message to Congress denouncing the Free-Soilers for resisting the
laws. He followed it up with a proclamation, and placed United States
troops at the disposal of the regular territorial government. In March,
Douglas, from his Committee on Territories, made a long report on all
that had occurred. He, too, laid the blame on the emigrant aid
societies. He was against the Topeka constitution, and offered, instead,
a bill providing for the admission of Kansas, so soon as her population
should reach 93,000, which would entitle her to one representative in
Congress, with such constitution as her people might lawfully adopt. The
House, with an anti-slavery majority, was for admitting Kansas at once
with the Topeka constitution. So was the anti-slavery group in the
Senate, now swelled into a strong minority. In the fierce debate that
followed, Douglas had to defend the results, as well as the theory, of
his law. Sumner was the bitterest of his assailants, and their
controversy passed all bounds of parliamentary restraint. In Sumner's
famous speech on the crime against Kansas, Butler, of South Carolina,
was represented as the Don Quixote of slavery, Douglas as its Sancho
Panza, "ready to do all its humiliating offices." The day after that
speech, Lawrence was sacked, and civil war broke out in Kansas. The next
day, Preston Brooks, of South Carolina, assaulted Sumner and beat him
down on the floor of the Senate. Ten days later, the Democratic
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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