Studies in the History and Method of Science, vol. 1 (of 2) — John Shaqi
Studies in the History and Method of Science, vol. 1 (of 2)
Religion
Studies in the History and Method of Science, vol. 1 (of 2)
Medicine -- History; Science -- History
There is another cosmic theory, the advent of which to her country,
or at least to her circle, can be approximately dated from her work.
Hildegard exhibits in a pronounced but peculiar and original form
the doctrine of the macrocosm and microcosm. Hardly distinguishable
in the _Scivias_ (1141-50), it appears definitely in the _Liber
Vitae Meritorum_ (1158-62),[43] in which work, however, it takes no
very prominent place, and is largely overlaid and concealed by other
lines of thought. But in the _Liber Divinorum Operum_ (1163-70) this
belief is the main theme. The book is indeed an elaborate attempt to
demonstrate a similarity and relationship between the nature of the
Godhead, the constitution of the universe, and the structure of man,
and it thus forms a valuable compendium of the science of the day
viewed from the standpoint of this theory.
From whence did she derive the theory of macrocosm and microcosm? In
outline its elements were easily accessible to her in Isidore’s _De
Rerum Natura_ as well as in the Salernitan poems. But the work of
Bernard Sylvestris of Tours, _De mundi universitate sive megacosmus et
microcosmus_,[44] corresponds so closely both in form, in spirit, and
sometimes even in phraseology, to the _Liber Divinorum Operum_ that
it appears to us certain that Hildegard must have had access to it
also. Bernard’s work can be dated between the years 1145-53 from his
reference to the papacy of Eugenius III. This would correspond well
with the appearance of his doctrines in the _Liber Vitae Meritorum_
(1158-62) and their full development in the _Liber Divinorum Operum_
(1163-70).
Another contemporary writer with whom Hildegard presents points of
contact is Hugh of St. Victor (1095-1141).[45] In his writings the
doctrine of the relation of macrocosm and microcosm is more veiled than
with Bernard Sylvestris. Nevertheless, his symbolic universe is on the
lines of Hildegard’s belief, and the plan of his _De arca Noe mystica_
presents many parallels both to the _Scivias_ and to the _Liber
Divinorum Operum_. If these do not owe anything directly to Hugh, they
are at least products of the same mystical movement as were his works.
We may also recall that at Hildegard’s date very complex cabalistic
systems involving the doctrine of macrocosm and microcosm were being
elaborated by the Jews, and that she lived in a district where Rabbinic
mysticism specially flourished.[46] Benjamin of Tudela, who visited
Bingen during Hildegard’s lifetime, tells us that he found there a
congregation of his people. Since we know, moreover, that she was
familiar with the Jews,[47] it is possible that she may have derived
some of the very complex macrocosmic conceptions with which her last
work is crowded from local Jewish students.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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