Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 3 of 3: I. Agorè: Polities of the Homeric Age. II. Ilios: Trojans and Greeks Compared. III. Thalassa: The Outer Geography. IV. Aoidos: Some Points of the Poetry of Homer.Gladstone, W. E. (William Ewart)
Philosophy
Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 3 of 3: I. Agorè: Polities of the Homeric Age. II. Ilios: Trojans and Greeks Compared. III. Thalassa: The Outer Geography. IV. Aoidos: Some Points of the Poetry of Homer.
Gladstone, W. E. (William Ewart)
Civilization, Homeric; Epic poetry, Greek -- History and criticism; Homer
The other source of revenue traceable in the Iliad was one sure to
lead to the extensive corruptions, which must already have prevailed
in the time of Hesiod. It consisted in fees upon the administration of
justice. In the suit described upon the shield, the matter at issue is
a fine for homicide. But quite apart, as it would seem, from this fine,
there lie in the midst, duly ‘paid into court,’ two talents of gold, to
be given at the close to him, of all the judges, who should deliver
the most upright, that is the most approved, judgment[123]:
[123] Il. xviii. 508.
τῷ δόμεν ὃς μετὰ τοῖσι δίκην ἰθύντατα εἴποι.
However righteous the original intention of a payment in this form, it
is easy to estimate its practical tendencies, and curious to remark how
early in the course of time they were realized.
On the other hand, the great possessions of the king were not given
him for his own use alone. Over and above the general obligation of
hospitality to strangers, it was his duty to entertain liberally the
principal persons among his subjects. Doubtless this provided the
excuse, which enabled the Suitors to feast upon the stores of Ulysses,
without the shame, in the very outset, of absolute rapine. And it would
appear from the Odyssey that Alitherses[124] and other friends of the
royal house, frequented the table there as well as its enemies, though
not perhaps so constantly.
[124] Od. xvii. 68.
In the Seventh Iliad, after his fight with Hector, Ajax[125] repairs,
not invited, but as if it were a matter of course, to share the
hospitality of Agamemnon. In the Ninth Book, Nestor urges Agamemnon to
give a feast to the elders, as a duty of his office:
[125] Il. vii. 313.
ἔοικέ τοι, οὔτοι ἀεικές[126],
[126] Il. ix. 70.
adding,
πολέεσσι δ’ ἀνάσσεις[127],
[127] Ibid. 73.
and then to take their counsel. But perhaps the ordinary exercise of
this duty is best exhibited in the case of Alcinous, who is discovered
by Ulysses on his arrival entertaining his brother kings in his
palace[128].
[128] Od. vii. 49, 108.
I have not here taken specific notice of the δώτιναι, or tributes,
which, as Agamemnon promised, Achilles was to receive, from the
seven cities, that it was proposed to place under his dominion. The
expression is[129],
[129] Il. ix. 155.
οἵ κέ ἑ δωτίνῃσι θεὸν ὣς τιμήσουσιν,
καί οἱ ὑπὸ σκήπτρῳ λιπαρὰς τελέουσι θέμιστας.
The connection of the ideas in the two lines respectively would appear
to show, that the δώτιναι may be no more than the fees payable to the
sovereign on the administration of justice.
Thus then the king might draw his ordinary revenues mainly from the
following sources:
First and principally, the public τέμενος, or demesne land.
Next, his own private acquisitions, such as the ἀγρὸς of Laertes.
Thirdly, the fees on the administration of justice.
Fourthly, the presents paid for licenses to trade.
~_The position of Agamemnon._~
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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