Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 3 of 3: I. Agorè: Polities of the Homeric Age. II. Ilios: Trojans and Greeks Compared. III. Thalassa: The Outer Geography. IV. Aoidos: Some Points of the Poetry of Homer. — John Shaqi
Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 3 of 3: I. Agorè: Polities of the Homeric Age. II. Ilios: Trojans and Greeks Compared. III. Thalassa: The Outer Geography. IV. Aoidos: Some Points of the Poetry of Homer.Gladstone, W. E. (William Ewart)
Philosophy
Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 3 of 3: I. Agorè: Polities of the Homeric Age. II. Ilios: Trojans and Greeks Compared. III. Thalassa: The Outer Geography. IV. Aoidos: Some Points of the Poetry of Homer.
Gladstone, W. E. (William Ewart)
Civilization, Homeric; Epic poetry, Greek -- History and criticism; Homer
It seems clear from Homer, that the name and fame of Agamemnon were
known far beyond the limits of Greece, and that the reputation of
being connected with him was thought to be of value. For Menelaus, on
his return from Pharos to Egypt, erected there a funeral mound in his
honour[132], ἵν’ ἄσβεστον κλέος εἴη; which he would not have done in a
country, to whose inhabitants that monarch was unknown. And again, when
Ulysses is challenged by the Cyclops to declare, to what and to whom he
and his crew belong, he makes the reply, that they are the subjects of
Agamemnon, the son of Atreus[133]:
[132] Od. iv. 584.
[133] Od. ix. 263.
λαοὶ δ’ Ἀτρείδεω Ἀγαμέμνονος εὐχόμεθ’ εἶναι,
τοῦ δὴ νῦν γε μέγιστον ὑπουράνιον κλέος ἐστίν.
Ulysses evidently conceives the fame of the great monarch, thus
enhanced by success, to have been likely to supply any one who belonged
to him with a defence against the formidable monster, before whom he
stood.
~_Governing motives of the War._~
The statements of Homer respecting the position of Agamemnon and the
motives of the war, fall short of, but are not wholly at variance
with, the opinion which has been expressed by Thucydides. Of the
oath to Tyndareus Homer knows nothing: but he tells us of the oath,
by which the Greek chieftains had bound themselves to prosecute the
expedition. Before setting out, they had a solemn ceremonial at Aulis;
they offered sacrifices, they made libations, they swore, they pledged
hands[134], they saw a portent, and had it interpreted by Calchas[135].
But all this only shows that the Atreidæ were conscious how formidable
an enterprise they were about, and how they desired accordingly that
their companion kings should, after having once embarked, be as deeply
pledged as possible to go forward. It does not tell us what was the
original inducement to enter into the undertaking. Again, it does not
appear that the Greeks in general cared much about the abduction or
even the restoration of Helen. The only passage directly touching the
point is the one in which Agamemnon[136] expresses his opinion that, if
Menelaus should die of his wound, the army would probably return home.
It seems as if Agamemnon thought, that without doubt they would then be
in honour released from their engagement, and that they would at once
avail themselves of their freedom. The hope of booty, however, would do
much; and the members of a conquering race unite together with great
facility for purposes of war, through a mixture of old fellow-feeling
and the love of adventure, as well as through anticipation of spoil.
On the other hand, it was evidently no small matter to organize the
expedition: much time was consumed; a friendly embassy to Troy had been
tried without success; the ablest princes, Nestor and Ulysses, were
employed in obtaining cooperation. The general conclusion, I think, is,
that a combination of hope, sympathy, respect, and fear, but certainly
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