Sweated industry and the minimum wageBlack, Clementina
History
Sweated industry and the minimum wage
Black, Clementina
Minimum wage; Sweatshops
Such were the general features of the Act that after three years of
endeavour was passed at the end of 1894 and came into force in 1895. It
passed amid steady opposition from employers and with extremely little
support from public opinion. In 1900, after five years’ experience of
its workings, when a consolidated and amended Act was introduced, only
one voice was lifted to attack its general principle. Not from its
neighbours, who are intimate with the workings of it, but from this side
of the ocean have come the attacks to which it has been exposed. It has
been contended, again and again, by English newspapers that the measure
is unduly favourable to trade unions, a contention much strengthened in
appearance by the fact that in various trades awards have been made
requiring employers to give preference to unionists, so long as the
union can supply men qualified and ready to fill vacancies. Such awards,
however, are by no means invariable; each case is tried on its merits,
and the Court is largely guided by the general custom of each trade. It
must be borne in mind also that the position of a New Zealand union is
very different from that of a British union, and that this difference
has been largely brought about by the colonial law, in the interest not
of the union but of public peace and convenience. As Mr Reeves justly
remarks: “In New Zealand the community, mainly for the purpose of self
protection, has deprived trade unionists of the right of striking—of the
sacred right of insurrection to which all workmen rightly or wrongly
believe that they owe most of what lifts them above serfdom. The
Arbitration Act, moreover, deliberately encourages workmen to organise.
When, in obedience to the law, they renounce striking and register as
industrial unions, it does not seem amiss that they should receive some
special consideration. Their exertions and outlay in successfully
conducting arbitration cases benefit non-unionists as well as
themselves, though the non-unionists have done nothing to help them. Nor
need the preference entail any hardship to their employers. Non-unionist
labour is usually valued either because it is cheaper or because it is
more peaceable. But under the Arbitration law non-unionists must get the
same pay as unionists, and unionist strikes are abolished. It is only
the non-unionists (in a trade where there is no award in force) who can
strike, and who—though rarely and then only in petty groups—do. They
are, therefore, to that extent, the more dangerous servants of the two.
Nor, be it noted, does an employer who has only non-union men in his
factory stand clear of the Act. Nor again can he take himself out of it
by discharging his union hands and pleading that he has none in his
employ. If an award has been made dealing with the trade in his
district, he is bound by it as much as his competitors who employ union
labour.”[84]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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