Talleyrand-Périgord, Charles Maurice de, prince de Bénévent, 1754-1838
It is clear that, from an early stage of his attention to the questions
raised in the salons and circles by these episodes, Talleyrand was
prepared for popular representation, and was disposed to favour the
English model. His manifesto, issued on the eve of the States-General,
will show us that he did not wait for the logic of events to make
him embrace democracy, but there are earlier indications. During
the Assembly of the Notables in 1787 he complained to Choiseul that
“Paris was taking its cue from the Assembly instead of an instructed
Paris impressing its opinion on the Assembly;” and in the same letter
he observed with satisfaction that “the people were going to count
for something,” and that “the granting of provincial administration
[local self-government] and the abolition of privileges would prove a
source of great gain.” The tragic incompetency of the King and Queen
to master the situation of their country impressed him. Mere “goodness
of heart” was fatal. “Too great a familiarity in sovereigns,” he
says in his memoirs, “inspires love rather than respect, and at the
first mishap affection goes.” It was the opinion of a man in whom
(to turn his own words upon himself) “philosophic ideas had replaced
sentiments,” but it expresses the facts here. The network of noble
and ecclesiastical privileges made aristocracy impossible in an
impoverished country. The choice was between a strong autocrat (whom
the gods gave when they willed) and a monarchy limited by an educated
democracy. With Montesquieu he leaned to the latter; the satirical
description of France as “an autocracy tempered with lampoons” is
attributed to him. With Turgot he felt that the people must be educated
up to self-government. He pleaded strongly for more efficient and more
comprehensive education. A contemporary gives this as his fad. He
travelled in privileged provinces like Brittany, and noted the good
result of local administration. He would hardly admit moral feeling
in the matter, but as a practical politician he was for gradual and
constitutional, but thorough, reform.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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