Communism -- Soviet Union; Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921
Army after army, fleet after fleet, sent deputations, “joyfully to
greet the new Government of the People.”
In front of Smolny, one day, I saw a ragged regiment just come from the
trenches. The soldiers were drawn up before the great gates, thin and
grey-faced, looking up at the building as if God were in it. Some
pointed out the Imperial eagles over the door, laughing…. Red Guards
came to mount guard. All the soldiers turned to look, curiously, as if
they had heard of them but never seen them. They laughed good-naturedly
and pressed out of line to slap the Red Guards on the back, with
half-joking, half-admiring remarks….
The Provisional Government was no more. On November 15th, in all the
churches of the capital, the priests stopped praying for it. But as
Lenin himself told the _Tsay-ee-kah,_ that was “only the beginning of
the conquest of power.” Deprived of arms, the opposition, which still
controlled the economic life of the country, settled down to organise
disorganisation, with all the Russian genius for cooperative action—to
obstruct, cripple and discredit the Soviets.
The strike of Government employees was well organised, financed by the
banks and commercial establishments. Every move of the Bolsheviki to
take over the Government apparatus was resisted.
Trotzky went to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the functionaries
refused to recognise him, locked themselves in, and when the doors were
forced, resigned. He demanded the keys of the archives; only when he
brought workmen to force the locks were they given up. Then it was
discovered that Neratov, former assistant Foreign Minister, had
disappeared with the Secret Treaties….
Shliapnikov tried to take possession of the Ministry of Labour. It was
bitterly cold, and there was no one to light the fires. Of all the
hundreds of employees, not one would show him where the office of the
Minister was….
Alexandra Kollontai, appointed the 13th of November Commissar of Public
Welfare—the department of charities and public institutions—was
welcomed with a strike of all but forty of the functionaries in the
Ministry. Immediately the poor of the great cities, the inmates of
institutions, were plunged in miserable want: delegations of starving
cripples, of orphans with blue, pinched faces, besieged the building.
With tears streaming down her face, Kollontai arrested the strikers
until they should deliver the keys of the office and the safe; when she
got the keys, however, it was discovered that the former Minister,
Countess Panina, had gone off with all the funds, which she refused to
surrender except on the order of the Constituent Assembly. (See App.
XI, Sect. 4)
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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