“3. The function of the Army Committees must be limited to economic questions exclusively. All their decisions should be confirmed by their superior officers, who have the right to dissolve the Committees at any time…. “4. The salute to be reestablished, and made obligatory. Full reestablishment of disciplinary power in the hands of officers, with right of review of sentence…. “5. Expulsion from the Corps of Officers of those who dishonour it by participating in the movement of the soldier-masses, which teaches them disobedience…. Reestablishment for this purpose of the Courts of Honor…. “6. The Provisional Government should take the necessary measures to make possible the return to the army of Generals and other officers unjustly discharged under the influence of Committees, and other irresponsible organisations….” APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II 1. The Kornilov revolt is treated in detail in my forthcoming volume, “Kornilov to Brest-Litovsk.” The responsibility of Kerensky for the situation which gave rise to Kornilov’s attempt is now pretty clearly established. Many apologists for Kerensky say that he knew of Kornilov’s plans, and by a trick drew him out prematurely, and then crushed him. Even Mr. A. J. Sack, in his book, “The Birth of the Russian Democracy,” says: “Several things… are almost certain. The first is that Kerensky knew about the movement of several detachments from the Front toward Petrograd, and it is possible that as Prime Minister and Minister of War, realising the growing Bolshevist danger, he called for them….” The only flaw in that argument is that there was no “Bolshevist danger” at that time, the Bolsheviki still being a powerless minority in the Soviets, and their leaders in jail or hiding. 2. DEMOCRATIC CONFERENCE When the Democratic Conference was first proposed to Kerensky, he suggested an assembly of all the elements in the nation—“the live forces,” as he called them—including bankers, manufacturers, land-owners, and representatives of the Cadet party. The Soviet refused, and drew up the following table of representation, which Kerensky agreed to: 100 delegates All-Russian Soviets Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies 100 delegates All-Russian Soviets Peasants’ Deputies 50 delegates Provincial Soviets Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies 50 delegates Peasants’ District Land Committees 100 delegates Trade Unions 84 delegates Army Committees at the Front 150 delegates Workers’ and Peasants’ Cooperative Societies 20 delegates Railway Workers’ Union 10 delegates Post and Telegraph Workers’ Union 20 delegates Commercial Clerks 15 delegates Liberal Professions—Doctors, Lawyers, Journalists, etc. 50 delegates Provincial Zemstvos 59 delegates Nationalist Organisations—Poles, Ukraineans, etc. This proportion was altered twice or three times. The final disposition of delegates was: