Communism -- Soviet Union; Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921
On its part the Government could not ignore the significance of the
success of the Bolshevik propaganda. On the 29th joint commission of
the Government and the Council of the Republic hastily drew up two
laws, one for giving the land temporarily to the peasants, and the
other for pushing an energetic foreign policy of peace. The next day
Kerensky suspended capital punishment in the army. That same afternoon
was opened with great ceremony the first session of the new “Commission
for Strengthening the Republican Régime and Fighting Against Anarchy
and Counter-Revolution”—of which history shows not the slightest
further trace…. The following morning with two other correspondents I
interviewed Kerensky (See App. II, Sect. 13)—the last time he received
journalists.
“The Russian people,” he said, bitterly, “are suffering from economic
fatigue—and from disillusionment with the Allies! The world thinks that
the Russian Revolution is at an end. Do not be mistaken. The Russian
Revolution is just beginning….” Words more prophetic, perhaps, than he
knew.
Stormy was the all-night meeting of the Petrograd Soviet the 30th of
October, at which I was present. The “moderate” Socialist
intellectuals, officers, members of Army Committees, the _Tsay-ee-kah,_
were there in force. Against them rose up workmen, peasants and common
soldiers, passionate and simple.
A peasant told of the disorders in Tver, which he said were caused by
the arrest of the Land Committees. “This Kerensky is nothing but a
shield to the _pomieshtchiki_ (landowners),” he cried. “They know that
at the Constituent Assembly we will take the land anyway, so they are
trying to destroy the Constituent Assembly!”
A machinist from the Putilov works described how the superintendents
were closing down the departments one by one on the pretext that there
was no fuel or raw materials. The Factory-Shop Committee, he declared,
had discovered huge hidden supplies.
“It is a _provocatzia,”_ said he. “They want to starve us—or drive us
to violence!”
Among the soldiers one began, “Comrades! I bring you greetings from the
place where men are digging their graves and call them trenches!”
Then arose a tall, gaunt young soldier, with flashing eyes, met with a
roar of welcome. It was Tchudnovsky, reported killed in the July
fighting, and now risen from the dead.
“The soldier masses no longer trust their officers. Even the Army
Committees, who refused to call a meeting of our Soviet, betrayed us….
The masses of the soldiers want the Constituent Assembly to be held
exactly when it was called for, and those who dare to postpone it will
be cursed—and not only platonic curses either, for the Army has guns
too….”
He told of the electoral campaign for the Constituent now raging in the
Fifth Army. “The officers, and especially the Mensheviki and the
Socialist Revolutionaries, are trying deliberately to cripple the
Bolsheviki. Our papers are not allowed to circulate in the trenches.
Our speakers are arrested—”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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