The Acquisitive SocietyTawney, R. H. (Richard Henry)
Philosophy
The Acquisitive Society
Tawney, R. H. (Richard Henry)
Economics; Industries; Social problems
The origin and development of different kinds of proprietary rights is
not material to this discussion. Whatever may have been the historical
process by which they have been established and recognized, the {55}
_rationale_ of private property traditional in England is that which
sees in it the security that each man will reap where he has sown. "If
I despair of enjoying the fruits of labor," said Bentham, repeating
what were in all essentials the arguments of Locke, "I shall only live
from day to day; I shall not undertake labors which will only benefit
my enemies." Property, it is argued, is a moral right, and not merely
a legal right, because it insures that the producer will not be
deprived by violence of the result of his efforts. The period from
which that doctrine was inherited differed from our own in three
obvious, but significant, respects. Property in land and in the simple
capital used in most industries was widely distributed. Before the
rise of capitalist agriculture and capitalist industry, the ownership,
or at any rate the secure and effective occupation, of land and tools
by those who used them, was a condition precedent to effective work in
the field or in the workshop. The forces which threatened property
were the fiscal policy of Governments and in some countries, for
example France, the decaying relics of feudalism. The interference
both of the one and of the other involved the sacrifice of those who
carried on useful labor to those who did not. To resist them was to
protect not only property but industry, which was indissolubly
connected with it. Too often, indeed, resistance was ineffective.
Accustomed to the misery of the rural proprietor in France, Voltaire
remarked with astonishment that in England the peasant may be rich, and
"does not fear to increase the number of his beasts or to cover his
roof with tiles." And {56} the English Parliamentarians and the French
philosophers who made the inviolability of property rights the center
of their political theory, when they defended those who owned, were
incidentally, if sometimes unintentionally, defending those who
labored. They were protecting the yeoman or the master craftsman or
the merchant from seeing the fruits of his toil squandered by the
hangers-on at St. James or the courtly parasites of Versailles.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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