The Afghan War of 1879-80: Being a Complete Narrative of the Capture of Cabul, the Siege of Sherpur, the Battle of Ahmed Khel, the Brilliant March to Candahar, and the Defeat of Ayub Khan, with the Operations on the Helmund, and the Settlement with Abdur Rahman KhanHensman, Howard
History
The Afghan War of 1879-80: Being a Complete Narrative of the Capture of Cabul, the Siege of Sherpur, the Battle of Ahmed Khel, the Brilliant March to Candahar, and the Defeat of Ayub Khan, with the Operations on the Helmund, and the Settlement with Abdur Rahman Khan
Our relations with the Amir are on a very different footing, though it
would puzzle a Russian diplomatist to say what is the basis of our
policy. It is a mixture of suspicion, forbearance, and contempt. Once
Yakub Khan had thrown himself upon our protection and disowned the acts
of the mutineers, his personal safety was assured, and this, no doubt,
was his first aim. But how much further did he mean to go? That he
heartily desired his turbulent regiments to be punished one can well
believe, and that he schemed to save Cabul from the fate it had courted
is quite possible; but unless an accomplice in their acts, he could not
have expected that his most trusted ministers and kinsmen would be
arrested and himself confined to our camp. Here he must see our
suspicion peeping out: but, then, mark our forbearance. In our
proclamations rebellion against the Amir has been cited as worthy of
death; we are living upon tribute grain collected as due to him; the
citizens of Cabul have been declared “rebels against His Highness,” and
our Military Governor of the city is “administering justice and
punishing with a strong hand all evil-doers” with his “consent.” This is
one side of the picture, and these acts are the direct outcome of our
efforts to re-establish something like order after the anarchy which
prevailed when we began our march upon the capital. There is nothing of
contempt in them; it is merely laying the foundation for replacing the
Amir on his throne more securely for the future. Our forbearance is
further shown by the consideration displayed towards his subjects:
nothing is taken that is not paid for—and, in most instances,
exorbitantly paid for—and there is not the slightest affectation of
treating the country through which we pass as conquered territory. But
there is another side of the picture where new aspects appear and some
anomalies crop up. The Amir’s authority is proclaimed as justification
for many of our acts; and yet at the same time we loot his citadel, and
seize upon, as spoils of war, all guns and munitions of war which for a
few weeks only had passed out of his hands into those of the rebels. Did
he, by abandoning his capital and its defences, lose all right and
interest in the cannon which guarded them, in the ammunition collected
for years past in the Bala Hissar, and in the very clothing prepared for
his regiments? Apparently he did, for the two hundred and fourteen guns
now in our camp are looked upon as captured from an enemy who used many
of them against us; the untold quantity of gunpowder which the explosion
of the 16th untouched is to be destroyed; and our camp-followers are
masquerading in the warm uniforms of Afghan Highlanders. This is the
feature of contempt in our policy. Our war, unlike that of last year, is
against the subjects of the Amir, and not against the Amir himself; and,
so far as we have gone, we have assumed the functions of the sovereign
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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