The result would not have been a confederated South Africa under the British crown; that was and is impossible, both for geographical and political reasons. But there might have been brought about acquaintanceship and mutual esteem between Great Britain, the would-be Paramount Power, and the Africander race throughout the Transvaal, the Orange Free State, and the British colonies of Natal and the Cape—which race is and will long continue to be the dominant factor in South Africa. Out of that friendly relationship might have come a paramount power to Great Britain well worth the having, and in every way consistent with the honor of the British crown and the continued independence of the Africander republics. But Mr. Rhodes and his projects were not eliminated from the situation. By force of almost unequaled genius for acquisition and intrigue, and of great powers in no least degree controlled by moral considerations, he continued to dominate—both locally and in England—the British policy in South Africa. His presence and influence made final peace in the country impossible on any condition other than the subjugation of the Africander Republics. Probably two-thirds of the European population of South Africa believed that he was the chief criminal—though unpunished—in connection with the conspiracy and raid of 1895–1896. His influence, therefore, had the effect of intensifying the race enmities, already the too vigorous growth of a century, and of warning every Africander in the two republics to stand armed and ready to defend the independence of his country. And these men, to whom Mr. Rhodes’ presence and activities were a constant irritation and threat, loved freedom after the fashion of their Netherland forefathers who worsted Spain in diplomacy and war in the sixteenth century, and after the fashion of their Huguenot forefathers who counted no sacrifice too great to make for liberty. During 1896 there was a temporary lull in the agitation for reforms in the Transvaal. Investigations had become an international necessity, for appearance’s sake if for no other reason; but they led to nothing except the rehabilitation of the principal leaders in the conspiracy which had miscarried. Of necessity Doctor Jameson, and his immediate associates in conducting the invasion, were condemned to death by the Transvaal authorities, for they were taken in the act, and confessed themselves guilty of a capital crime. After a time the death sentences were reversed, and the offenders were set free. By the opening of 1897 a good degree of order had replaced the state of chaos into which the uprising had thrown the foreign population and interests in the Transvaal. Then the agitation for reforms was renewed, and the claims of the foreigners were backed up and pressed diplomatically by the British government, of which the exponent in the long controversy was the Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies.