United States -- Economic conditions -- 1918-1945; United States -- History
The American plutocracy was magnified, deified, and consecrated to the
task of making the world safe for democracy. Exploiters had turned
saviors and were conducting a campaign to raise $100,000,000 for the Red
Cross.[46] The "malefactors of great wealth," the predatory business
forces, the special privileged few who had exploited the American people
for generations, became the prophets and the crusaders, the keepers of
the ark of the covenant of American democracy.
Radicals who had always opposed war, ministers who had spent their lives
preaching peace upon earth, scientists whose work had brought them into
contact with the peoples of the whole world, public men who believed
that the United States could do greater and better work for democracy by
staying out of the war, were branded as traitors and were persecuted as
zealously as though they had sided with Protestantism in Catholic Spain
under the Inquisition.
By a clever move, the plutocrats, wrapped in the flag and proclaiming a
crusade to inaugurate democracy in Germany, rallied to their support the
professional classes of the United States and millions of the common
people.
6. _Business in Control_
After the declaration of war, the mobilization and direction of the
economic war work of the government was placed in the hands of the
Council of National Defense, an organized group of the leading business
men. The Council consisted of six members of the President's Cabinet,
assisted by an Advisory Commission and numerous sub-committees. The
"Advisory Commission" of the Council (the real working body) contained
four business men, an educator, a labor leader and a medical man. ("The
Council of National Defense" a bulletin issued by the Council under date
of June 28, 1917.)
Each member of the Advisory Commission had a group of persons
coöperating with him. The make-up of these various committees was
significant. Among 706 persons listed in the original schedule of
sub-committees, 404 were business men, 200 were professional men, 59
were labor men, 23 were public officials and 20 were miscellaneous. It
was only in Mr. Gompers' group that labor had any representation, and
even there, out of 138 persons only 59 were workers or officials of
unions, while 34 were business men and 33 professional men, so that
among Mr. Gompers' assistants the business and professional men combined
considerably outnumbered the labor men.
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