(2.) In the next place, God is testing that principle which is set forth in the preamble of our Constitution—_the right of a man to pursue happiness in such a way as he may elect_, provided he does no wrong to his neighbor. And I opine that although happiness involves the pursuit of higher aims, it begins on the basis of labor. Labor is the essential element of American civilization. If I labor, then I have the right of choice to enter into whatever labor I please. No matter whether I am an adept or not, circumstances will give the verdict. With the right of choice of a man’s calling comes the right of competition. Carry it to its extreme, if you please. If there are fifty-two thousand clerks, I have a right to become the fifty-two thousand and first, and starve. Then, after the inherent right of labor follows the right to such property as I may accumulate. What I may produce, that is mine absolutely, and no man can touch it. Here we are brought face to face with this tremendous question between Irish and German labor, and the low-priced labor of either the Negro or the Chinaman. But, American citizens and Christians, if we respect the right of a man to exercise such functions as God has given him in such way as his conscience may dictate, and to choose his own occupation, shall we not defend this right of labor, and the right to pursue happiness as each may elect, and in the face of Communism, defend the right of the Chinese to enter the market and compete with all labor of whatever nationality? (3.) There is a _third right_ or principle put to the test—_that every man is equal before the law_. Whether he be Jew or Gentile, Irishman or German, Negro or Chinaman, he is the equal of all men before God. But what justice can a Chinaman get out of a Hoodlum court? What justice has the Negro got out of a Southern court? To the establishment of that justice we must bend our energies, for it is vital to our institutions that a man before the law is equal with his neighbor. If you have broken the shackles of the Negro, break those of the Indian. If he outrages the law, try him by process of the law and make him amenable, but deal with him as a citizen. I opine that we shall arrive at this, sooner or later. Of course this includes with it the privilege of every one to enter public life, provided he proves his capacity.