We apprehend that in some schools for the education of colored people, the treatment of the pupil is special because of his color. He is made to feel that he is a special case, whatever the advantage or disadvantage of the fact, its honor or dishonor. He is a negro, and not simply a human being. He is to stand or fall as a part of “his people” rather than by his own individuality and personal character. We say again, with great emphasis, that we protest against the whole so-called necessity of the case as false and absurd; as indicative of abnormal sentiments which must be eradicated before right results can be even sought, much less reached. * * * * * THE THIRD STAGE OF OUR EXPERIMENT. We have reached, and, in some of the States, have distinctly entered upon, the third stage of our experiment of negro suffrage. In glancing at these, we shall be simply historical, not critical; shall set down naught in malice, but with simple truth as we have understood it. The fragments of the late Confederacy resumed their autonomy as parts of this nation almost wholly under direction of the negro voter. There seemed to be a double necessity that he should be armed with the ballot, that he might defend himself against his old master who showed unmistakable evidence of his purpose virtually to re-enslave him, and that he might maintain the political ascendency of his friends over his master’s old friends. In this first stage we had, as the political representative of the South, what is historically known as the carpet-bagger—an immigrant elected by the Freedman, hated and opposed by the native white; and legislation which burdened some of the States to the verge of endurance was the result. The second stage was reached when the influence of the general Government was withdrawn from the South, and control passed again into the hands of the native whites. The alien was remanded to obscurity, or found the climate of the North more congenial, and the negro was mightily prevailed upon to forego his right to vote. This gave us what is generally regarded as the reign of Bourbonism. The white vote of the South became solid, and the opposition was almost silenced. We state the fact without commenting upon it or arguing from it. This result we might easily have inferred from what had gone before. The instinct of self-preservation, it would seem, must have compelled such a united front against the outrageous robbery to which the South had been subjected by ignorant and dishonest legislators.