The Kaiser’s departure from Germany was particularly well timed to bolster up the fiction subsequently so insistently propagated, that Austria’s impending coercion of Serbia was none of Germany’s doing. The _Hohenzollern_ had hardly slipped out of Baltic waters when Vienna’s "diplomatic _demarche_" at Belgrade began. It was specifically asserted that these "representations" would be "friendly." Europe must under no circumstances, thus early in the game, be roused from its midsummer siesta. The official bulletin from the _Hohenzollern_ read: "All’s well on board. His Majesty listened to-day to a learned treatise on Slav archeology by Professor Theodor Schiemann. To-morrow the Kaiser will inspect the Fridthjof statue which he presented to the Norwegian people three years ago." Austria-Hungary has a press bureau, too, and doubtless a Hammann of its own; now it cleared for action. While Vienna’s "friendly representations" were in progress at Belgrade, the papers of Vienna and Budapest began sounding the tocsin for "vigorous" prosecution of the Dual Monarchy’s case against the Serbian assassins and their accessories. The Serbian Government meantime remained imperturbable. Princip and Cabrinovitch, the takers of the Archduke and Duchess’ lives, after all were Austrian-Hungarian subjects, and their crime was committed on Austrian-Hungarian soil. Serbia, said Belgrade, must be proved guilty of responsibility for Serajevo before she could be expected to accept it. Then the Berlin press bureau took the field. The _Lokal-Anzeiger_ "admitted" that things were beginning to look as if "Germany will again have to prove her Nibelung loyalty," _i.e._, in support of Austria, as during the other Bosnian crisis, in 1909. By the end of the second week of July the world’s most sensitive recording instruments, the stock exchanges, commenced to vibrate with the tremors of brewing unrest. The Bourse at Vienna was disturbingly weak. Berlin responded with sympathetic slumps. To the _Daily Mail_ in London and the _New York Times_ I was able, on the night of July 10, to cable the significant message that the German Imperial Bank was now putting pressure on all German banks to induce them to keep ten per cent. of their deposits and assets on hand in money. On the same day an unexplained tragedy occurred in Belgrade: the Russian minister to the Serbian court, Monsieur de Hartwig, Germanism’s arch-foe in the Balkans, died suddenly while taking tea with his Austrian diplomatic colleague, Baron Giesling.