The Beginners of a Nation: A History of the Source and Rise of the Earliest English Settlements in America, with Special Reference to the Life and Character of the PeopleEggleston, Edward
History
The Beginners of a Nation: A History of the Source and Rise of the Earliest English Settlements in America, with Special Reference to the Life and Character of the People
Eggleston, Edward
United States -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775
Calvert attributes his deception to interested letters. The principal
motives to settle in Newfoundland may be seen by the reader who has
patience enough to thread his way through the jumble of mythology,
allegory, political economy of a certain sort, verse in English and
Latin, theology, satire, and an incredible number of what-nots besides
"for the generall and perpetuall good of Great Britain," found in
Vaughan's Golden Fleece, published in 1626. The nearness of
Newfoundland to Ireland and the comparative cheapness of
transportation thither, but especially the well-established value of
its fisheries and the market they afforded for the produce of the
colony, were the most plausible reasons for settling a colony there.
Probably there was a lurking purpose to turn the shore fishery into a
monopoly such as was contemplated by projectors for the New England
coast. The fact was insisted upon that part of Newfoundland was "equal
in climate," or at least in latitude, to "Little Britain in France,"
or Brittany. Then, too, Newfoundland is an island, and Vaughan at
least persuaded himself that "Ilanders should dwel in Ilands." As some
of the apostles were fishermen, "Newfoundland the grand port of
Fishing was alloted to Professors of the Gospell." Golden Fleece, Part
Third, pp. 5 and 6 and _passim_.
[Sidenote: Note 8, page 230.]
Lord Baltimore may have had the governorship of Virginia in view.
Cecilius, his son, sought to have himself made governor in 1637.
Colonial Papers, ix, 45, Record Office. See an earlier communication
on the same subject in Sainsbury, 246, under the date of February 25,
1637. It is almost the only petition of the second Lord Baltimore that
was not granted. See also section xvii of the present chapter, and
note 21 below.
[Sidenote: Note 9, page 231.]
I have ventured to conjecture so much on evidence not complete. Father
White, who was cordially entertained by the Governor of St. Kitts in
1634, speaks of the people of Montserrat as "pulsos ab anglis Virginiæ
ob fidei Catholicæ professionem." White's choice of words does not
necessarily imply, I suppose, an actual banishment from Virginia, but
at least a refusal of permission to come. Neither Edwards nor Oldmixon
mention this fact; but as White visited St. Kitts only two years after
the settlement at Montserrat, which was made immediately from St.
Kitts (according to Edwards) and was subject to the same governor, his
information was doubtless correct. There seems to have been another
project to plant Catholics in Virginia about this time, unless, as is
rather probable, we meet the same plan in another form. Sir Pierce
Crosby offered to plant ten companies "of the Irish Regiment into a
fruitful part of America not yet inhabited." To make the proposal
acceptable, it was stated, somewhat diplomatically perhaps, that the
major part of the officers and many of the soldiers were Protestants.
Sainsbury's Calendar, p. 95, where the conjectural date is 1628.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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