The British battle fleet, Vol. 1 (of 2) : $b its inception and growth throughout the centuries to the present dayJane, Fred T. (Frederick Thomas)
History
The British battle fleet, Vol. 1 (of 2) : $b its inception and growth throughout the centuries to the present day
Jane, Fred T. (Frederick Thomas)
Great Britain -- History, Naval; Great Britain. Royal Navy -- History; Warships -- Great Britain -- History
[29] The treasure ship was well armed and did not hesitate to engage
him. Anson’s success was in some considerable measure attributable to
the fact that not having enough men for the broadside firing of the
period, he ordered independent firing. It was the Spanish custom to
lie down as the enemy fired a broadside, then jump up and fire back.
Anson’s independent firing caused much unexpected slaughter on them.
This rule of “broadsides” compares interestingly with the salvo firing
of the present day.
[30] See earlier reference to the same thing in Raleigh’s time.
[31] Is the well-known _Royal George_, which capsized at Spithead, in
1782.
[32] Admiral Mahan (_Influence of Sea Power upon History_, p. 286)
shows how Byng’s dread of anything unconventional in the way of tactics
led to the action being indecisive.
[33] Time after time, hostile ships, having had enough of it, passed
away ahead and escaped, because to have pressed them would have
“disorganised the line.”
[34] Our own naval manœuvres in recent years have seen more than one
disaster from the change of a rendezvous.
[35] While this battle of Quiberon was in progress, people in England
were burning Hawke in effigy for having allowed the French fleet to
escape!
[36] This appears to be the solitary instance in French history in
which a use of the fleet on English lines was ever contemplated.
[37] Admiral Mahan (_Influence of Sea Power upon History_) has quoted
at length (p. 380) from French authorities to show that only the action
of the captain of the _Destin_ (74), in hurrying to block the gap,
prevented Rodney from getting through the line on this occasion.
[38] I draw this from Mahan (_Influence of Sea Power upon History_)
(page 494). Fincham specifically mentions (p. 107) the introduction of
carronades _ten_ years later.
[39] Fincham _ex_ Campbell.
[40] The fire-ship grew to be less and less of a menace owing to the
improved handiness of warships.
[41] Here again see Raleigh on Elizabethan Customs.
[42] By the burning of the bulk of the ships in Toulon, the French
Toulon fleet was rendered non-existent; but the state of affairs with
that fleet was such that its fighting value had long been a cypher.
[43] In order to bring the enemy to action, Howe formed a detached
squadron of his faster ships. Hannay (_Ships and Men_) extols him
because, in this and certain other movements in the battle, he reverted
to the tactics of Monk and other Commonwealth admirals, and threw aside
the conventional practice of his own day.
[44] For two opposite views of this particular incident, see Admiral
Mahan’s _Influence of Sea Power on the French Revolution_, and Chapter
X. of Brassey, 1894.
[45] The preservation of an orderly line throughout the battle.
[46] The story of this ship going down firing, her crew crying _Vive
la Republique_, is pure fiction. She surrendered after a very gallant
fight, and sank with an English flag flying.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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