Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865; United States -- Race relations
I assert it most solemnly that I never saw a negro slave worked in
shackles and under a loaded firearm, neither by his master nor an
overseer, nor by their command, nor by an officer of the law; and,
further, that I never had information or report that such had been done.
When their emancipators led the negroes out of their cabins into their new
life it was something like throwing our domestic animals into the forest
and desert, where they, without formed habits of self-maintenance and
without knowledge of the new environment, must live, if they can live,
only in competition with their wild brothers and sisters knowing the
environment and who are self-maintaining experts therein. That comparison
serves somewhat. But this comes nearer: Suppose children between the ages
of eight and twelve, who have never been taught to do anything for
themselves, to be taken away from their parents, and settled among a
people lately made bitterly hostile to the children, as the whites were
made to the negroes by the effort of the emancipators to give political
equality--nay, supremacy--to the latter. Those emancipated children must
subsist themselves. How little they could earn by begging or work. They
would have to steal to live. Those that did not steal, and for whom no
companion would steal, would perish. The philanthropists who founded this
infantile colony would have outdone but by a very little those who thrust
the reluctant negroes into freedom.
I ask my reader to add here mentally the full description which in my last
two chapters I have given of the lower class of the negroes in the
south--this description showing them to be ninety-five per cent of the
whole, far below their average condition in American slavery, and steadily
becoming worse.
I believe that in due time the people of the north will make these
admissions:
1. Any and every evil of southern slavery to the negro was accidental, and
not a necessary incident of the system, just as the occasional evils of
marriage to the parties are not necessarily incidental to that
institution.
2. As this slavery had improved and was still improving the negroes so
prodigiously in every particular, and as their condition during the forty
years following emancipation has been going uninterruptedly from bad to
worse, until now the extinction of the great body is frightfully probable,
as I shall show in my last two chapters, the sudden and sweeping abolition
of 1865 was an unutterable misfortune to these dependent creatures.
Emancipation ought to have been gradual. Especially ought there to have
been established something like the Roman patronate, under which the
freedman would have been sure of wise advice, beneficial overlooking, and
efficient protection from his former master.
3. The grant at once of right to vote and hold place and office to the
southern negroes indiscriminately exceeds all blunders of democracy in
madness and stupidity.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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