Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865; United States -- Race relations
"The gentleman from New York [Grover] asked how the south could
complain of the proposed proviso accompanying the admission of new
territory, when the arrangement was so very fair and put the north and
south on a footing of perfect equality. The north could go there
without slaves, and so could the south. Well, I will try it the other
way. Suppose the territory to be open to all; then southerners could
go and carry slaves with them, and so could northerners. Would not
this be just as equal? [Much laughter.] I will not answer for the
strength of the argument, but it is as good as what we of the south
get. [Laughter.]"
Winthrop, who followed, commences by deprecating the necessity that
exposed him to the disadvantage of contrast with a speech which had
attracted so much attention and admiration. And Stephens praised the
effort greatly.[99]
December 21, 1847, Toombs offered a resolution in the house, that neither
the honor nor interest of the republic demand the dismemberment of Mexico,
nor the annexation of any of her territory as an indispensable condition
to the restoration of peace.
His Taylor speech of July 1, 1848, evinces warm whig partisanship.
In his first years at the bar he loitered a while as a speaker. And one
who studies his record in congress discerns that it is some two years
before he commences to feel easy as a member of the house. The speeches
which I have mentioned above, with the solitary exception of that of
January 8, 1847, are labored communication of cram rather than the
peculiar language of the speaker who, when I commenced to observe him a
few years later on the stump, had become a marvel both of strong thinking
and fit expression extempore.
I detect a gleam of the coming man, when August 4, 1848, and February 20,
1849, he exhibits his inveterate hostility to maintaining and increasing
an army in time of peace. Next he begins his lifelong war upon high
salaries, and the extravagance and waste of congressional printing. Note
what he says February 29, 1848, advocating reduction of salaries of patent
examiners; and his denouncing the evil of congress's publishing
agricultural works, in two speeches, the one made March 20, 1848, the
other January 18, 1849. These are short, but strong, and their forcible
style gives sure promise that the true Toombs is at hand. He suddenly
found his real self in December, 1849, when his lead towards secession
commenced, as I shall detail later. After that date he soon becomes one of
the strongest and most influential members; and especially one whose
speech greatly attracts audience. I must support this assertion by the
record. With my limited space I must be very brief. My trouble is that the
many examples which I could use are all so good it is hard to decide what
must be left out. While I shall always give dates, so that my statements
can be checked by reference to the _Globe_, I need not confine myself
strictly to the order of time.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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