Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1861-1865; United States -- Race relations
Chase steadily rises in my estimate. His solid parts, his consistent,
conscientious, and able anti-slavery career, and especially that decisive
speech in the Peace Congress,--these, and other relevancies that can be
mentioned, drew me powerfully. The firm candor with which he avowed in
that memorable speech that the north had decided against the expansion of
slavery, demonstrates the clearness of his vision. The part of it which
recurs to me most frequently is that in which he impressively recounts the
intersectional dissension over the fugitive slave law,--the south
believing slavery right, the north believing it wrong,--and proposes that
in place of the remedy given by that law the master be paid the value of
his slave. "Instead of judgment for rendition," he said, "let there be
judgment for compensation determined by the true value of the services,
and let the same judgment assure freedom to the fugitive. The cost to the
national treasury would be as nothing in comparison with the evils of
discord and strife. All parties would be gainers."
Calhoun devised to restrain the sections from mutual aggression by
endowing each with an absolute veto against the other. Webster fondly
believed that if he could be president he would bring back the wrangling
brothers to love one another again as much as he loved them all. Chase
also had his pet impracticable project. Each one of the three recoiled and
racked all of his invention to save his country from the huge fraternal
slaughter that his divining soul whispered to him was near.
The south will cherish the memory of Chase more and more fondly as she
learns better how he firmly stood for civil law against military rule, and
that he was heart and soul for universal amnesty.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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