[Footnote 103: In 1076, the Church of Barbary could not provide three bishops to consecrate a new member of the Episcopate, and Gregory VII named two bishops to co-operate with the Archbishop of Carthage (See Migne, _Pat. Lat._, cxlviii, p. 449; Mas Latrie, _Rélations de l'Afrique septentrionale avec les Nations chrétiennes au Moyen Age_, p. 226). In 1053, Leo IX declared that only five bishops could be found in North Africa (Migne, _P. L._, cxliii, p. 728). On the thirty bishops of the tenth century, see Mas Latrie, _Ibid._ pp. 27-8. It is curious to find Gregory II, in _c._ 730, forbidding St. Boniface of Mainz to admit emigrants from North Africa to Holy Orders without inquiry (Migne, _P. L._, lxxxix, p. 502)--a remarkable proof of mediæval emigration.] Thus they employ Christian soldiers, among others; grant freedom of worship to Christian merchants and settlers; and exchange letters with various Popes, especially Gregory VII, Gregory IX, Innocent III, and Innocent IV, on the subject of the due protection of native Christians.[104] Traces of Christianity were to be found among the Kabyles of Algeria down to the time of the capture of Granada (1492), when a fresh influx of Andalusian Moors from Spain completed the conversion of these tribes,[105]--a conversion which, as Leo Africanus notices, was not inconsistent with some survivals of Christian custom. Similar survivals have been alleged among the Tuâreg of the Sahara, the "Christians of the Desert" at the present day. [Footnote 104: See Mas Latrie, _Afrique Septentrionale_, _passim_, and especially pp. 61-2, 192, 266-7, 273.] [Footnote 105: See C. Trumelet, _Les Saints de l'Islam_ (1881), pp. xxviii-xxxvi. In this connection we may notice one or two other traces of intercourse between the Moslems of Granada and those of Africa, _e.g._ (1) Ibn-Batuta's mention of the tomb of the poet Abu Ishak es Sahili, born in Granada, died and buried in Timbuktu, 1346. (2) Leo Africanus' notice of the stone mosque and palace in Timbuktu, the work of an architect from Granada in the fifteenth century. On Timbuktu, see Ibn Batuta (Def. and San.), iv, 395, 426, 430-2; Leo Afr. (Hakluyt Soc.), 4, 124, 128, 133-4, 146, 173, 255, 306, 798, 820, 822-4, 842.] Two practical questions arise for our special purpose from this summary of the mediæval progress and fifteenth-century status of Islam in Africa. These questions have been partly answered already, but we may here re-state them to generalise our conclusions. 1. What information was the Infant able to gain from the "Moors" for his own plans? and 2. Was this "Moorish" information so valuable as to account, in any great degree, for the Prince's perseverance and success in his task?