In the last General Conference the second report on Freedmen’s Aid and Work in the South, offered by Rev. J. C. Hartzell, D.D., indorsed the administration of the society during the quadrennium. If the discussion that preceded that General Conference meant anything, it meant that it did not indorse the Little Rock and Chattanooga enterprises _as projected_. The resolution offered by Rev. C. O. Fisher, D.D., of Savannah Conference, and adopted by that General Conference, without reference to any committee, declared it the sense of the General Conference that color is no bar to any right or privilege of office or membership in the Church; that the propriety is recognized of so administering its affairs as “hereafter, as heretofore, to secure the largest concession to individual preferences involving merely the social relations of its members.” No valid objection can be offered to the last proposition. If it simply means that any and every member of the Church has the right to attend Church or schools wherever he pleases, without let or molestation _so far as law goes_, it is simply another way of declaring the equality of each and every member of the Church _so far as privileges are concerned_. If the above supposition is true, any objection on account of race, color, or previous condition, raised by any one in authority over Churches or schools under the auspices of the Church, is a flagrant violation of her law. We can conceive of but three valid reasons for any man offering such a resolution in a General Conference of a Church that has always conceded such, viz.: (1) To show liberal-mindedness. (2) That there is no caste or race prejudice concealed among the colored members within the Methodist Episcopal Church that would cramp another member, or desires to insinuate itself upon the rights and prerogatives of others. (3) To prevent any unnecessary bickerings between the two races within the Church in the South. On top of the above came the report of the Committee on Freedmen’s Aid and Work in the South. It declared the Church a friend to the colored man, and cited as evidence the work done by the society—twenty-four institutions of learning, connecting with it the expenditure of $1,250,000. That this management was (a) wise, (b) efficient, and (c) successful. Then came the other side of the question; the establishment of schools for the benefit of “the whites” within the Church in the South was (1) wise, (2) necessary, (3) gratifyingly successful, and had had a liberalizing effect upon public sentiment there that redounds to the advantage of the colored man; that it was a pity no more had been done, and it should be put upon a strong, permanent basis. Then came the _mixed school question_. As to the colored man, he was justly entitled to equal rights of not only “_life_ and liberty,” but to the means of grace and proper facilities for education; that the Church is bound to provide and secure to every class