_ea_ before _h_ becomes _ī_ in _sih_ (from _seah_, _sæh_, pret. of _sēon_), which in Gower is the usual form of the word, _æg_ forms _ai_ (_ay_), as in _dai_, _lay_, _mai_, _fain_, _slain_, and other _ai_ forms, which are not interchangeable with _ei_ (but _said_ with variant _seid_ by influence of _seie_). O. E. =e=. When we are dealing with so careful a rhymer as Gower, we need hardly remark upon the absolute distinction made between _ę̄_ derived from O. E. _ĕ_ and _ẹ̄_ of whatever origin. The case of _skiereþ_ : _hiereþ_, cited by Fahrenberg as an instance of the opposite, cannot be regarded as a real exception, in view of the uncertain derivation of _skiere_. His other cases of supposed _ę_ : _ẹ_ are instances of the pret. pl. _spieke_ (_speke_), from _sprǣcon_, as _spieke_ : _beseke_, ii. 959, _sieke_ : _spieke_, ii. 1455. One is doubtful, viz. _seke_ : _mispeke_, ii. 2007, where _mispeke_ may be pret. subjunctive; and besides these, _undergete_ : _flete_, ii. 1133 f. is irregular. There is, however, also a well-marked distinction between new-lengthened _ę̄_ in words like _trede_, _stede_, _bere_, _spere_, &c., _forȝete_, _gete_, _begete_ (inf. and partic.), _mete_ (subst.), &c., and _ę̄_ from _ǣ_ or _ēa_, the distinction being due presumably to imperfect lengthening. With the first class rank also words in which _e_ is derived from O. E. _y_ in open syllables, as _lere_ (loss) from O. E. _lyre_, _stere_ (stir) from _styrian_, _dede_ (pret.) from _dyde_, and also _e_ in _answere_. Thus we find the following quite distinct sets of rhymes: _bede_, _forbede_ (past participles), _bede_ (subst.), _dede_ (pret. = did), _stede_ (stead), _trede_, forming one class and rhyming together, while they are kept entirely apart from _threde_, _drede_, _dede_ (= dead), _rede_, pl. adj. (= red), which have _ę̄_ from _ēa_ or _ǣ_. On the other hand, _bede_ the pret. plur. of _bidde_ (from _bǣdon_) rhymes with _dede_ (dead), e.g. i. 2047. So also _answere_, _bere_ (subst.), _bere_ (verb inf.), _forbere_, _dere_ (destroy), _lere_ (loss), _stere_ (stir), _bestere_, _swere_ (verb), _tere_ (verb), _were_ (wear), _were_ (defend), form one class of rhyme-words as against _ere_, _fere_ (fear), _there_, _were_ (from _wǣron_), &c. But _eere_ (verb) from _erian_ rhymes with _there_, v. 819 f., and _scheres_ with _teres_, v. 5691. The case of _bere_ rhyming with _were_ (from _wǣron_), i. 2795 f., vii. 1795 f., is not an exception to the rule, being the preterite plural, from _bǣron_. Another group is _chele_, _fele_ (many), _hele_ (cover), _stele_, _wele_, as against _hele_ (heal), _dele_, &c.: but we find _hele_ (_hǣlo_) : _hele_ (_helan_), iii. 2755 f.