The conscience of a ConservativeGoldwater, Barry M. (Barry Morris)
Philosophy
The conscience of a Conservative
Goldwater, Barry M. (Barry Morris)
Conservatism -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 20th century
The passage of right-to-work laws will help the situation. But putting
unionism on a voluntary basis is only part of the answer. For even
though a man can leave or refuse to join a union that spends money for
purposes that he does not approve, there may be other factors that
would dissuade him from doing so. In many communities strong economic
and social pressures are exerted on behalf of joining a union--quite
aside from the threat of loss of employment. As a result, a man may
decide to join a union notwithstanding his disapproval of its political
activities. And the question remains: Should that man’s union dues
be used for political purposes? The answer is clearly, no. Unions
exist, presumably to confer economic advantages on their members, not
to perform political services for them. Unions should therefore be
forbidden to engage in any kind of political activity. I believe that
the Federal Corrupt Practices Act _does_ forbid such activity. That
legislation has been circumvented by the “education” approach and other
devices; and Congress and the courts, in effect, have looked the other
way. The only remedy, it appears, is new legislation.
_In order to achieve the widest possible distribution of political
power, financial contributions to political campaigns should be made
by individuals and individuals alone._ I see no reason for labor
unions--or corporations--to participate in politics. Both were created
for economic purposes and their activities should be restricted
accordingly.
_Economic Freedom._ Americans have been much disturbed in recent
years by the apparent power of Big Labor to impose its will on the
nation’s economic life whenever the impulse strikes. The recent
steel controversy, and the terms of its settlement, are the latest
illustration of Labor’s ability to get its way notwithstanding
the cost to the rest of society. When the strike began, neutral
observers--including government economists normally friendly to the
unions--agreed that the Steel Workers’ wage demands were exorbitant and
would inevitably cause further inflation; and that the steel companies
were quite right in insisting that certain “work rules” promoted
inefficiency and retarded production. Nevertheless, the steel companies
were forced to accept a settlement that postponed indefinitely revision
of work rules and granted a large portion of the union’s wage demands.
The reason the union won is quite simple: it posed to the country the
choice of tolerating stoppages in steel production that would imperil
national security, or of consenting to an abandonment of the collective
bargaining process. Since neither the steel companies nor the country
at large wanted to resort to compulsory arbitration, the alternative
was to give the unions what they asked. In this situation, the only
power superior to union power was government power, and the government
chose to yield.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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