The conscience of a ConservativeGoldwater, Barry M. (Barry Morris)
Philosophy
The conscience of a Conservative
Goldwater, Barry M. (Barry Morris)
Conservatism -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 20th century
It is clear that this view is in direct conflict with the Constitution
which is an instrument, above all, for _limiting_ the functions of
government, and which is as binding today as when it was written. But
we are advised to go a step further and ask why the Constitution’s
framers restricted the scope of government. Conservatives are often
charged, and in a sense rightly so, with having an overly mechanistic
view of the Constitution: “It is America’s enabling document; we are
American citizens; therefore,” the Conservatives’ theme runs, “we are
morally and legally obliged to comply with the document.” All true.
But the Constitution has a broader claim on our loyalty than that. The
founding fathers had a _reason_ for endorsing the principle of limited
government; and this reason recommends defense of the constitutional
scheme even to those who take their citizenship obligations lightly.
The reason is simple, and it lies at the heart of the Conservative
philosophy.
Throughout history, government has proved to be the chief instrument
for thwarting man’s liberty. Government represents power in the
hands of some men to control and regulate the lives of other men. And
power, as Lord Acton said, _corrupts_ men. “Absolute power,” he added,
“corrupts absolutely.”
State power, considered in the abstract, need not restrict freedom:
but absolute state power always does. The _legitimate_ functions of
government are actually conducive to freedom. Maintaining internal
order, keeping foreign foes at bay, administering justice, removing
obstacles to the free interchange of goods--the exercise of these
powers makes it possible for men to follow their chosen pursuits with
maximum freedom. But note that the very instrument by which these
desirable ends are achieved _can_ be the instrument for achieving
undesirable ends--that government can, instead of extending freedom,
restrict freedom. And note, secondly, that the “can” quickly becomes
“will” the moment the holders of government power are left to their
own devices. This is because of the corrupting influence of power,
the natural tendency of men who possess _some_ power to take unto
themselves _more_ power. The tendency leads eventually to the
acquisition of _all_ power--whether in the hands of one or many makes
little difference to the freedom of those left on the outside.
Such, then, is history’s lesson, which Messrs. Acheson and Larson
evidently did not read: release the holders of state power from any
restraints other than those they wish to impose upon themselves, and
you are swinging down the well-travelled road to absolutism.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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